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Author Index 

AgrawaL S. 

Seven Days in Bombay 



Rashtrabhasha Adbyapan Mandir, Wardha 


An American s Questions 



Aiyamuthu, C. A. 

More about the Resolution 



Cbarkha v. Takli 



Occasional Notes 



Amrit Kaur (A. K. ) 

‘Come Thou in a Shower of Compassion’ 


The Basic Education Court 


An Acceptable Sacrifice 


Harijan Work in Indore 


The Liberty We Want 

• « • 


A Humble Tribute 

• ■ • 


War Resisters 



A Chinese Visitor 


Desai, V. G. 

An Important Interview 

• •• 


A Bengal Grievance 



A Hideous Evil 



The Beneficent Bee 



“ For He Had Great Possessions ” 

■ • • 


Gandhi, K. C. 

Village Reconstruction in the South 

• •• 


One Aspect of the Cloth Industry 



Handicrafts in America 



Gandhi. M. K. 

Ahimsa, India’s Heritage 



The Old Game? 


A Praiseworthy Endeavour 



Is It War? 


A Righteous Fast 



Banging the Door 


Untouchability in Kotah 



India without the British 


Anonymous and Unsigned 

A Curious Situation 


India and the War 



Adulteration of Ghee 


Candid Comments 



Question Box 7, 9, 24, 29, 

41, 49, *73 


Gandhiji Absolved 


93, 101, 109, 123, 129, 137, 145, 

159. 161. 


Working Committee and the Wasiris 


183, 193, 215, 217, 234, 253, 

268. 276. 283 

Andrews Memorial Fund 



Communal Decision 


“ A Seeker’s " Question 


What Is Woman’s Role ? 


A. I. C. C. Resolution 



The Right Step 


Andrews Memorial Fund 



What I Saw in Santiniketan 


Working Committee’s Statement 



My Advice to Noakhali Hindus 



Segaon Becomes Sevagram 


Basic Education 

• •• 


When the British Withdraw 


Bardoloi, G. N. 

Clear Injustice 


Planters’ Paradise 


Skimmed Milk 


Bhave, Vinoba 



Old Mind v. Old Age 



What Resolution Means 


Desai, Mahadev (M. D.) 

For Englishmen 

« • • 


Occasional Notes 2, 10, 47, 54, 133, 

147, 194 

Jaiprakash Narayan 

• » ■ 


Rediscovering Religion — II 


‘ Khadi Banks ’ 


Gandhi Seva Sangh I-III 17, 25, 42 

Women and Voluntary Endeavour 





Another Englishman’s Letter 


The Deenabandhu 


A Very Useful Publication 



The Hand of the Devil? 


The London Assassination 



Example Better than Precept 


The National Week 


Our Castes 


An Insane Act 


Unworthy of Wardha! 


Every Congress Committee a 

A Feast for the Eyes 


Satyagraha Committee 





My Answer to Qaid-e-Azam 





A Chief Judge Descends 


“Sandhya Meditations” 


The Two Speeches 

. •• 


A Correction 


How to Evoke the Best 


The Eclipse of Faith I-II 

167, 174 

A Baffling Situation 


The Only Cure 


A True Friend of the Poor 


What Led to the Decision 



Andrews’ Legacy 


Mysore Lawyers (A Note) 


How Not to Do It 

. ■ « 


Some Misconceptions 


Charkha — Swaraj — Ahimsa 


A Hot Gospeller 


All on Trial 


War — a Stage Long Outgrown 


Two Questions from America 


The Live Issue 


My Position 


An Interesting Discourse I-II 



Danger Signal 


Non-violent Crafts 


Jaiprakash’s Picture 


Ahimsa in Daily Life 


Jaipur State and Praja Mandal 



A Village Engineer 

• • • 


Repression in Jodhpur 


Sevagram Notes 

• •• 


Civil Disobedience 


Committee for Preliminary Agreement ? 




What Big Employers Can Do 

• •• 


Khansaheb’s Ahimsa 

« • • 


About Zamindars 


The Best Field for Ahimsa 


Of What Avail Is Non-violence ? 

• •• 


The Correspondence 

« V • 


An English Suggestion 

■ • • 


The Annual Spinning Sacrifice 


Wanton Destruction in Bidar 




The Ajmer Trouble 


Servants of India Society 


An Unjudicial Dictum 

• • • 


Not Quite So Bad 


Hindu Muslim Tangle 


A Worthy Educational Effort 


A One-sided Inquiry 

• •• 


Two Just Complaints 

• •• 


■Gandhiji’s Statement 





■ at 






There Is Violence in It 




. • • 


Spinning and Character 


An Important Interview 


A Testimony from England 

« • • 


Our Duty 


Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Aiyar’s Extravagances 233 


. . . 


Of Civil Disobedience 



Five Questions 


Is It Proper ? 


Andrews’ Influence 



Indore State and Harijans 


Not Yet 


Woman’s Role 


" Will Leave No Stone Unturned ” 

. • ■ 


For Khadi Workers 

• * • 




‘What Else Besides Spinning?’ 


Curse of Untouchability 


What of the “Weak Majority”? 


Deenabandhu Memorial 




Kerala Congress 



The Biswa Affair 


Peace in Sirohi 


Is Non-violence Impossible? 




The Test of Non-violence 



Handmade Paper 


Spinning Anniversary 



Red Cross Fund 






■Comilla Municipality and Harijans 


Not a Harijan 





Moral Support 

* • ■ 





‘One Step Forward’ 


Two Parties 


A Convincing Argument 




Implications of Constructive Programme 


Please Spare Me 


Deeply Distressing 


Andrews Memorial 


Nazism in Its Nakedness 

* • • 


Tribute from South Africa 




Gwalior and Khadi 


Dr. Lohia Again 


Harijans of Garhwal 


Asoka and Non-violence 


A Walking Tour 


Equal Distribution 

* •« 


Missionary Education in Assam 


Debt Bondage of a Hill Tribe 



Non-violence and Khadi 


Improper Use 


Spinning Competition in Ramgarh 


My Idea of a Police Force 


How to Combat Hitlerism 



Non-violence of the Brave 


Duty of Indians Overseas 


Andrews Memorial 



Caste Hindu Marries Harijan Girl 




Another Tribute 



Peaceful Methods? 


Adult Literacy 


Biswa Miscarrriage Again 


Both Happy and Unhappy 


How to Quench It ? 


What the Masnavi Says 


Economic Ruin in Sindh 


To Every Briton 


Congress Ahimsa 

o • • 


About Working Committee’s Decision 


Non-violence during Riots 


Some Vital Questions 


How to Universalise Khadi ? 


A Valid Complaint 


Not Quite New 

m m m 


Non-violence and Panic 


I Was Unjust because Weak 

« « • 


‘ Copyright ’ 


Khadi Patrikas 

<« * * 


“ A Cry in the Wilderness ” ? 


I Wonder 


The Delhi Resolution 


Khadi Week 


Congress Membership and Non-violence 


Some Criticism Answered 


About the Waziris 


Gandhiji’s Speech at the A. I. C. C. 


Mysore Lawyers 


Sikhs and the Sword 


The Late Changanacherry Pillai 



• « « 


Is Islam Inspired? 

• •• 


Sindh Hindus 





Interesting Parallel 

# • • 


Mysore Justice 

• •• 


Disgraceful If True 



'Viceroy-Gandhi Correspondence 

... 313 

'The Breach 

... 315 

To Satyagrahis 

... 315 

Illegal Levy ? 

... 316 

A Christian Student’s Complaint 

... 316 

Two Thought-provoking Letters 

... 317 

-Physical Training and Ahimsa 

... 318 

Hyderabad ' 

... 320 


... 321 

‘ A Scab in the Back ’ ? 

... 321 

Australian Soldiers 

... 321 


... 321 

Fasting in Satyagraha 

... 322 

More about the Simla Visit 

... 323 

A British Endorsement 

... 328 

Two Points of- View 

... 328 

Civil Disobedience 

... 329 

To the Reader 

... 333 

Why Suspension 

.'jaiprakash Narain 

... 334 

A Brave Statement 

... 65 

.Katju, K. N. 

Non-violence cum Non-cooperation 

... 181 

.Kripalani, J. B. 

Acharya Kripalani’s Inaugural Address 
Linlithgow, Lord 

... 67 

The Correspondence 

... 214 

Viceroy-Gandhi Correspondence 

Lohia, R. M. 

... 313 

Immediate Satyagraha 

iMashruwala, K. G. 

... 151 

Khadi Can 

... 77 

Curious Objections 

... 179 

Our Textile Wants 

... 228 

Drawbacks of Non-violence 

... 242 

“ Representative Capacity ” 

:Naik, G. 

... 280 

Town-dwellers and Village Industries 
..Nayar, Sushila ( S. N. ) 

... 286 

Sevagram Khadi Yatra 

... 79 



1. Congress 

2. Indian States 

3. Foreign Affairs 

4. Education 

5. Removal of Untouchability and Service of 


•6. Communal Unity 

7. Village Industries 

8. Village Reconstruction 

9. Khadi 

1. Congress 

The Old Game ... M. K. Gandhi 1 

Is It War ? 


Banging the Door 

• 4 

India without the British 


•..Question Box „ 8, 24, 29, 41, 73, 89, 93, 

101, 109, 

129, 137, 145, 161, 176, 183, 217, 

234, 253, 268, 283 

Occasional Notes M. D. 10, 47, 54, 133 

When the British Withdraw ... M. K. Gandhi 28 

When ? ... „ 


Jndia and the War 



A Doughty Dewan ... 14 

An Interlude at Santiniketan ... 31 

The Santiniketein Pilgrimage ... 34 

Unconvincing Apologia ... 36 

A Visit to Deenabandhu ... 40 

The Old Game ... 62 

Princely Extravaganza I-III 94, 103, 110 

C. F. A. — the Man ... 98 

Then and Now ... 107 

Occasional Notes 119, 126, 154 

This Picture and That ... 141 

Three Witnesses ... 146 

On the Road to Simla ... 189 

More about Handicrafts ... 202 

The Journey Back ... 226 

Adult Education through Handicrafts 
I-II 251, 263 

Rajagopalachari, C. 

Rajaji’s Postscript ... 308 

Ramachandran, G. 

Travancore ... 279 

Kathiawad Famine Work ... 287 

Shukla, Chandrashanker ( C. S. ) 

A Creditable Record ... 74 

Spinning Wheel in China ... 91 

In the Wake of Mechanisation I-IV 102, 117 

Khadi Work in Tamil Nad I-II 135, 138 


Gandhi Scholarships ... 258 

Subedar, Manu 

Rural Humanity ... 170 

Tarasingh, Master 

Correspondence ... 307 

Templin, R. T. 

Open Letter ... 220 

Thakkar, A. V. 

Harijan Sevak Sangh ... 39 

Scholarships for Harijan Girls ... 75 

A Cry from South Orissa ... 131 

Titbits ... 230 


OF Subjects 

10. Relations of the Sexes 

11. Non-violence 

12. Prohibition 

13. Hindustani 

14. Labour 

15. Obituaries 

16. Personal — by and about Gandhiji 

17. Economics — General 

18. Miscellaneous 

What Resolution Means ... M. K. Gandhi 33 

Unconvincing Apologia ... Pyarelal 36 

For Englishmen ... M. K. Gandhi 44 

Jaiprakash Narain „ 48 

Candid Comments ... 51 

Another Englishman’s Letter ... M. K. Gandhi 52 

The National Week ... . „ 56 

Ramgarh ... M. D. 57 

Every Congress Committee a 
Satyagraha Committee ... M. K, Gandhi 64 

A Brave Statement ... J. Narain 65 

A Chief Judge Descends ' ... M. K. Gandhi 68 


The Tw^o Speeches 

• •• 


How to Evoke the Best 

« » « 


A Baffling Situation 

• • • 


Sevagram Khadi Yatra 

S. N. 79 

How Not to Do It 

M. K. Gandhi 85 

All on Trial 

* > o 


A Chinese Visitor 

A. K. 87 

My Position 

M. K. Gandhi 92 

Danger Signal 

• •• 


Jaiprakash’s Picture 

• • • 


Civil Disobedience 
Committee for Preliminary 

• 94 

, M. K. Gandhi 104 

Agreement ? 

• 09 


An Important Interview 

• 09 

A. K. 105 

Then and Now 

Pyarelal 107 

About Zamindars 

Of What Avail Is 

, M. K. Gandhi 108 

Non-violence ? 

• •• 


The Ajmer Trouble 

ft ft • 


Gandhiji’s Statement 

ft • • 



ft ft* 

M. K. Gandhi 124 

Occasional Notes 

Pyarelal 126 


ft ftft 

M. K. Gandhi 132 

An Important Interview 

tt • ft 


Our Duty 


Five Questions 


Three Witnesses 

• ftft 

Pyarelal 146 

Occasional Notes 

M. D. 147 

Not Yet 

“ Will Leave No Stone 


M. K. Gandhi 148 

Unturned ” 

• • • 


Immediate Satyagraha ” 

R. M. Lohia 151 

Kerala Congress 

M. K. Gandhi 152 

Red Cross Fund 

„ 153 


„ 157 

Two Parties 

• •• 


A Correction 

• • • 

M. D. 166 

The Eclipse of Faith I-II 

„ 167,174 

Both Happy and Unhappy 

• •• 

M. K. Gandhi 180 

Gandhiji Absolved 


Some Vital Questions 


M. K. Gandhi 188 

What Led to the Decision 

• •• 

M. D. 196 

“ A Cry in the Wilderness ” 

M. K. Gandhi 200 

The Delhi Resolution 
Congress Membership and 





About the Waziris 


Working Committee and theWaziris 204 


* * ■ 

M. K. Gandhi 208 

Some Misconceptions 

ft *• 

M. D. 209 

The Journey Back 


Pyarelal 226 

There Is Violence in It 

M. K. Gandhi 229 

Of Civil Disobedience 

„ 234 

*What Else besides Spinning 



Is Non-violence Impossible? 


The Test of Non-violence 


„ 245 

The Live Issue 

• ft ft 

M. D. 246 

Moral Support 

ft ft ft 

M. K. Gandhi 249 

A Convincing Argument 
Implications of Constructive 


„ 250 



Deeply Distressing 

.. 253 

Dr. Lohia Again 



An Interesting Discourse I-II 


M. D. 261, 266 



M. K. Gandhi 272 

“Representative Capacity” K. G. Mashruwala 280 
Congress Ahimsa ... M. K. Gandhi 285 

Seven Days in Bombay ... M. D. 289 

I Was Unjust because Weak ... M. K. Gandhi 292 
A. I. C. C. Resolution ... 296 

An American’s Questions ... M. D. 298 

More about the Resolution ... „ 300 

Some Criticism Answered ... M. K. Gandhi 302 
Gandhiji’s Speech at the A. I. C. C. 303 

Sikhs and the Sword ... M. K. Gandhi 306 

Correspondence M. K. Gandhi — Tarasingh 307 
Rajaji’s Postscript ... 308 

Viceroy-Gandhi Correspondence 313 

‘Come Thou in a Shower of 

The Breach 
To Satyagrahis 
Two Thought-provoking 

‘ A Stab in the Back ’ ? 

More about the Simla Visit 
An Acceptable Sacrifice 
The Liberty We Want 
Civil Disobedience 
Working Committee’s Statement 
2 . 

M. D. 314 

M. K. Gandhi 315 

M K. Gandhi 317 
„ 321 


M. D. 325 


M. K. Gandhi 329 

Indian States 

Occasional Notes ... M. D. 2, 133, 194 

A Doughty Dewan ... Pyarelal 14 

Question Box M. K. Gandhi 49, 89, 283' 

Princely Extravaganza I-III Pyarelal 94, 103, 110 
Jaiprakash’s Picture ... M. K. Gandhi 96 

Jaipur State and Praja Mandal 
Repression in Jodhpur 
A One-sided Inquiry 
Peace in Sirohi 
The Eclipse of Faith — I 

Mysore Lawyeres 

Mysore Justice 


„ 100 


M. D. 167 

M. K. Gandhi one: 
& M. D. 

M. K. Gandhi 211 







Sir C. P. Ramaswami 

Aiyar’s Extravagances 

1 1 



1 1 


Not a Harijan 




1 1 



1 1 





Fasting in Satyagraha 



3. Foreign Affairs 

Then and Now 



Occasional Notes 

This Picture and That 

How to Combat Hitlerism 

To Every Briton 


The Correspondence 

Not Quite So Bad 


Question Box 

Nazism in Its Nakedness 

Occasional Notes 

Interesting Parallel 

The Liberty We Want 

War Resisters 

119, 154 


... M. K. Gandhi 172 


212 ' 

Gandhi-Linlithgow 214 
... M. K. Gandhi 222 


... „ 255 

M. D. 309- 
... M. K. Gandhi 311 
M. D. 326 


4. Education 

What I Saw in Santiniketan ... M. K. Gandhi 21 

Clear Injustice ... ,, 28 

■Question Box „ 29, 49, 159, 193, 283 

Acharya Kripalani’s Inaugural 

Address ... 67 

The Basic Education Court ... A. K. 75 

Sevagram Khadi Yatra ... S. N. 79 
Basic Education ... Ashadevi 130 

Favouritism ... M. K. Gandhi 131 

Missionary Education in Assam „ 166 

Adult Literacy ... „ 173 

A Worthy Educational Effort „ 222 

Spinning -and Character ... „ 231 

‘One Step Forward* ... „ 250 

Adult Education through 

Handicrafts I-II ... Pyarelal 251, 263 

A Praiseworthy Endeavour ... A. K. 286 

A Christian Student’s Complaint M. K. Gandhi 316 

5. Removal of Untouchability and Service 
of Harijans 

A Curious Situation ... M. K. Gandhi 5 

Harijan Sevak Sangh ... A. V. Thakkar 39 

Scholarships for Harijan Girls ... „ 75 

Harijan Work in Indore ... A. K. 77 
Question Box ... M. K. Gandhi 89, 93, 137, 159, 217 
Commendable ... M. D. 143 

Curse of Untouchability ... M. K. Gandhi 149 

Untouchability ... „ 153 

■Comilla Municipality and Harijans „ 154 

Harijans of Garhwal ... „ 165 

A Walking Tour ... „ 166 

Caste Hindu Marries Harijan Girl „ 173 

The Journey Back ... Pyarelal 226 

Titbits ... A. V. Thakkar 230 

Indore State aud Harijans ... M. K. Gandhi 236 

Gandhi Scholarships ... Shyamlal 258 

Fasting in Satyagraha ... M. K. Gandhi 322 

A Righteous Fast ... A. K. 324 

Untouchability in Kotah ... „ 332 

6. Communal Unity 

Communal Decision ... M. K. Gandhi 9 

Question Box „ 9, 29, 41, 49, 101, 109, 123, 129, 

137, 159, 183, 193, 234 

My Advice to Noakhali Hindus „ 


The Old Game 

... Pyarelal 


My Answer to Qaid-e-Azam 

... M. K. Gandhi 


A Baffling Situation 

« •« 


•All on Trial 

• H 


My Position 



The Hand of the Devil? 

M. D. 


An English Suggestion 

... M. K. Gandhi 115 

Wanton Destruction in Bidar 

... ,1 


Hindu Muslim Tangle 



Occasional Notes 



Occasional Notes 

M. D. 





... M. K. Gandhi 144 


••• »i 


Curse of Untouchability 




f f 


The Eclipse of Faith — ^II 

M. D. 


What the Masnavi Says 

... M. K. Gandhi 183 

Is Islam Inspired? 

••• « 


The Biswa Affair 


Biswa Miscarriage Again 


Economic Ruin in Sindh 


Seven Days in Bombay 

M. D. 289 

I Wonder 

• •• 

M. K. Gandhi 297 

Sindh Hindus 

• ■ • 


7, Village Industries 

Adulteration of Ghee 

■ « « 

M. K. Gandhi 5 

Skimmed Milk 

o • ■ 


Gandhi Seva Sangh-III 


M. D. 42 

What Big Employers Can 


M. K. Gandhi 107 

The Beneficent Bee 


V. G. D. 152 

Handmade Paper 


M. K. Gandhi 153 

Rural Humanity 

M. Subedar 170 

More about Handicrafts 

• •• 

Pyarelal 202 

Non-violent Crafts 

• •• 

M. D. 271 

Handicrafts in America 
Town-dwellers aad village 


A. K. 275 


■ a a 

G. Naik 286 

8. Village Reconstruction 

Village Reconstruction in the 

South ... A. K. 259 

Debt Bondage of a Hill Tribe... M. K. Gandhi 264 
Sevagram Notes ... M. D. 281 

Kathiawad Famine Work G. Ramachandran 287 

9. Khadi 

Question Box ... M. K. Gandhi 30, 

73. 145, 159, 176, 217, 268, 276, 283 

Gandhi Seva Sangh I-III 
‘ Khadi Banks ’ 

Women and Voluntary 

A Creditable Record 
Khadi Can 
Sevagram Khadi Yatra 
Charkha — Swaraj — Ahimsa 
Spinning Wheel in China 
What Big Employers Can Do... 
Example Better than Precept... 
Khadi Work in Tamil Nad I-II 

M. D. 17. 25, 42 
M. K. Gandhi 48 





Charkha v. Takli 
A Feast for the Eyes 
Gwalior and Khadi 
Non-violence and Khadi 
Spinning Competition in 
The Eclipse of Faith — ^II 
Curious Objections 
The Journey Back 
Our Textile Wants 
Spinning and Character 
For Khadi Workers 
Spinning Anniversary 
How to Universalise Khadi ? 
One Aspect of the Cloth 
Khadi Patrikas 

M. D. 

C. S. 

G. Mashruwala 77 
S. N. 79 
M. K. Gandhi 85 
C. S. 91 
M. K. Gandhi 107 
M. D. 113 
C. S. 135, 138 
C. A. Aiyamuthu 138 
M. D. 139 
... M. K. Gandhi 165 


Ramgarh „ 171 

... M. D. 174 
K. G. Mashruwala 179 
Pyarelal 226 
K. G. Mashruwala 228 
... M. K. Gandhi 231 


„ 285 

K. C. Gandhi 288 
M. K. Gandhi 295 

Khadi Week ... „ 

10 Relations of the Sexes 
What Is Woman’s Role ... M. K. Gandhi 12 
Question Box ... 29, 41, 145, 159, 176 

A Hideous Evil ... A. K. 135 

11. Non-Violence 

Occasional Notes ... M. D. 2, 194, 309 

Question Box ... M. K. Gandhi 7, 

102, 129, 193, 215, 217, 234, 253, 268, 276, 283 
GEindhi Seva Sangh — ... M. D. 17 
An Interlude at Santiniketan ... Pyarelal 31 


The London Assassination 
An Insane Act 
How to Evoke the Best 
Charkha — S waraj — Ahimsa 
Two Questions from America 
Of What Avial Is Non-violence ? 
Non-violence and Khadi 
How to Combat Hitlerism 
Both Happy and Unhappy 
Non-violence cum Non- 
Gandhiji Absolved 
To Every Briton 
About Working Committee’s 

Non-violence and Panic 
What Led to the Decision 
“ A Cry in the Wilderness ? 
The Delhi Resolution 
Congress Membership and 

“For He Had Great Possessions” 
Some Misconceptions 
Khansaheb’s Ahimsa 
The Best Field for Ahimsa 

M. K. Gandhi 56 








K. N. Katju 


M. K. Gandhi 185 

M. D. 

M. K. Gandhi 









A. K. 

M. D. 

M. K. Gandhi 212 

„ 214 

Gandhi-Linlithgow 214 
. R. T. Templin 220 
. M. K. Gandhi 222 

. Pyarelal 
. M. K. Gandhi 












M. D. 261, 266 
K. Gandhi 

M. D. 

K. Gandhi 

The Correspondence 
Open Letter 
Not Quite So Bad 
Two Just Complaints 
The Journey Back 

There Is Violence in It ... ,, 

A Testimony from England ... „ 

A Hot Gospeller ... M. D. 

Woman’s Role ... M. K. Gandhi 

War — a Stage Long Outgrown ... M. D. 

What of the “Weak Majority” ? M. K. Gandhi 
Hopeful ... „ 

Drawbacks of Non-violence K. G. Mashruwala 242 
Is Non-violence Impossible ? ... M. K. Gandhi 244 
The Test of Non-violence 
The Live Issue 

Moral Support ... M, 

A Convincing Argument 
Nazism in Its Nakedness 
Asoka and Non-violence 
An Interesting Discourse I-II ... 

My Idea of a Police Force ... M 
Non-violence of the Brave 
Peaceful Methods ? 

Ahimsa in Daily Life 
How to Quench It ? 

“ A Seeker’s ” Question 
Congress Ahimsa 
Non-violence during Riots 
Not Quite New 
Seven Days in Bombay 
A. I. C. C. Resolution 
An American’s Questions 
Some Criticism Answered 
Gandhiji’s Speech at the A. 1 
Sikhs and the Sw’ord 

Tarasingh-M. K. Gandhi 
Interesting Parallel ... M. K. Gandhi 311 

Viceroy — Gandhi Correspondence 313 

Physical Training and Ahimsa M. K. Gandhi 318 
A British Endorsement ... „ 328 

War Resisters ... M. D. 331 

12. Prohibition 

A Bengal Grievance ... V. G. D. 16 

13. Hindustani 

Question Box ... M. K. Gandhi 41 

Rashtrabhasha Adhyapan 

M. D. 

M. K. Gandhi 
M. K. Gandhi 

M. D. 

! M. D. 

. M. K. Gandhi 
C C 

. M. k. Gandhi 











Mandir, Wardha 
Two Just Complaints 
Old Mind v. Old Age 

Question Box 
Planters’ Paradise 

... S. Agrawal 99 
... M. K. Gandhi 223 
... V. Ehave '287 

... M. K. Gandhi 93 
... G. Bardoloi 162 

15. Obituaries 

The Deenabandhu ... M. D. 81 

A True Friend of the Poor ... M. K. Gandhi 84 

Andrews’ Legacy ... ,, 84 

A Humble Tribute ... A. K. 87 

C. F. A. — the Man ... Pyarelal 98' 

Andrews’ Influence ... M. K. Gandhi 144 

Tribute from South Afria ... ,, 165 

Another Tribute ... „ 173 

The Late Changanacherry Pillai 207 

16. Personal — ^by and about Gandhiji 

Non-resistance ... M. K. Gandhi 144 

Please Spare Me ... .. 165 

Question Box ... ,, 253' 

Thanks ... „ 321 

Fasting in Satyagraha ... ,. 322 

17. Economics — General 

In the Wake of Mechanisation I-IV C. S. 102,117' 
The Eclipse of Faith-I ... M. D. 167 

The Only Cure ... ,, 177 

Equal Distribution ... M. K. Gandhi 260 

1 8. Miscellaneous 


M. D. 6 
M. K. Gandhi 7. 73, 159, 
M. D. 17, 25 

M. K. Gandhi 



Rediscovering Religion- 
Question Box 
Gandhi Seva Sangh I-II 
The Right Step 
Segaon Becomes Sevagram 
The Santiniketan Pilgrimage 
A Visit to Deenabandhu 
A Very Useful Publication 
Occasional Notes 
An Unjudicial Dictum 
Our Castes 
Deenabandhu Memorial 

M. K. Gandhi and Others 150 
... M. K. Gandh il65 

M. K. Gandhi 
M. D. 

M. K. Gandhi 116 
M. D. 122 







Andrews Memorial 
Unworthy of Wardha ! 
Duty of Indians Overseas 
A Cry from South Orissa 
“ Sandhya Meditations ” 
A Valid Complaint 
On the Road to Simla 
‘ Copyright ’ 

Servants of India Society 
A Hot Gospeller 
Is it Proper ? 

Improper Use 
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M. D. 172 
M. K. Gandhi 172 
A. V. Tbakkar 131 
M. D. 158 
M. K. Gandhi 164 

Pyarelal 189 ' 
M. K. Gandhi 193 

m’.’ D. 232 
,M;K. Gandhi 236 

M. K. Gandhi 312 

„ 321 


M. K. Gandhi 333 

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( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

After my return from Delhi I have had a 
letter redirected from New Delhi. It is from a 
valued co-worker. I must share with all concerned 
the most important paragraphs in it: 

‘‘ Everything that has happened during the last 
month or so confirms me in the belief that there 
is not the slightest ground for hope that the British 
Government will accept our position. In fact many 
things have happened which demonstrate that they 
are following a very definite imperialist policy. You 
must have seen that the British Parliament has just 
passed a Bill amending the Government of India 
Act which limits the powers of Provincial Govern- 
ments in regard* to taxation. This was specially in 
view of the Professional Tax in the U. P. which is 
thus vetoed. Apart from the demerit of such a 
decision which reduces the powers of the Provincial 
Assembly, the time and the method chosen for it are 
eloquent of the- imperialist outlook of the British 
Government and indicate that the outlook has in no 
way changed. 

It is not at all encouraging to find that you are 
going to New Delhi to interview the Viceroy. The 
same old game is played again, the background is the 
same, the various objectives are the same, the actors 
are the same, and the results must be the same. 

There are, however, some unfortunate indirect 
results also. An atmosphere of approaching com- 
promise pervades the country when, in effect* there 
is no ground for it. It is enervating and depressing 
because it does not come out of strength but, in 
the case of many individuals, from the excessive 
desire to avoid conflict at all costs and to get back 
to the shreds of power which we had previously. 
Conflict is undesirable, but obviously conflict cannot 
be avoided at all costs, for sometimes such avoidance 
itself is a more costly and harmful affair- For the 
moment, however, there is no immediate question of 
conflict. The question is of maintaining our position 
with dignity, and not weakening it in any way. I 
fear that the impression is widely prevalent in 
England as well as in India that we are going in 
no event to have any conflict and therefore we are 
going to accept such terms as we can get. This 
kind of impression is demoralising. I have noticed 
during the last fortnight that even our Congress 
delegaites’ elections have been influenced by this. 
Many people who, for fear of possible conflict, were 
keeping in the background, have now pushed them- 
sdves in front again when the possibility of enjoying 
the plums of office and power seems to dangle again 
In front of them. The effort of several months to 

keep undesirables out of the Congress has partly 
failed because of this sudden change in the Indian 
atmosphere which led them to believe that the 
compromise was imminent. 

The British Government is also reacting in a way 
unfavourable to us, though it may use soft language. 
Of course, it wants to come to terms with us 
because it wants our support in the war. But it is 
much more certain that it does not wish to give 
up any shred of real power or change its funda- 
mental imperialist policy in order to come to terms 
with us. It is carrying on and will carry on its old 
intrigue on the communal issue though occasionally 
it uses a few critical words against the Muslim 
League in order to soothe the Congress. So far as 
it is concerned, it will try to win us over, keeping 
its present position intact. If this is possible, well 
and good for it. If this does not take place, as 
seems likely even to .it, then to carry on from time 
to time conversations with Indian leaders, to prolong 
the issue, to make it appear that we are on the 
verge of a compromise, and thus to soothe both 
world opinion and Indian opinion. This second policy 
has the additional advantage, from their point of 
view, of exhausting our energy and toning us down, 
so that, if ultimately a conflict does come, the 
requisite atmosphere is lacking for it. It is the 

general belief among official circles in England that 
their policy of parleys and postponement has had 
this result and the situation in India, which was 
threatening when the Congress ministries resigned, is 
much easier now and no dangers are to be feared. 

It seems to me that while we cannot and must 
not precipitate a conflict, and while we need not 
bang the door to a possible and honourable compro- 
mise, because your methods are never to bang the 
door, still we must make it crystal clear that there 
can be or will be no compromise except on the 

conditions stated by us previously. As a matter of fact 
even these conditions have to be slightly reviewed 
from the point of view of developments in the 

war. We cannot now say, as we then said, that 
we want to know whether this war is imperialist 
or not. The British Government’s answer to us as 
well as their consistent policy in the war and in 
foreign afeirs.has been one of full-blooded imperialism. 
We must, therefore, necessarily proceed on' this 
admitted fact that it is ' an imperialist ' war, any 
profession to the contrary notwithstanding. The war 
and British policy grow more and more sinister 

every day, and 1 would hate to see India entangled 
in any way in this imperialist adventure from which 
India can only lose, not only materially but spiritually. 
This point seems to me of vital importance today. 



[February 17, 1940 

Thus it seems to me that the most important 
thing for us to do is to make our position perfectly 
clear to the world, to the British Government and 
to the Indian people. There is too much misunder- 
standing on this issue of compromise, and this 
misunderstanding is entirely to our disadvantage and 
to the advantage of British imperialism which 
meanwhile is exploiting our resources for the war 
and even pretending to have a large amount of our 
goodwill. Approach by us to the British Government 
or to the Viceroy increases these misunderstandings 
and lead the British Government even further away 
from a right compromise. ” 

The warning is sound. Perhaps I did not 
need it. But such warnings are never superfluous. 
It is unwise to be too sure of one’s Own wisdom. 
It is healthy to be reminded that the strongest 
might weaken and the wisest might err. And 
then, so far as I am concerned, I am so 
ignorant even of current events that I feel 
thankful when co-workers keep me posted with 
things I ought to know. 

But whilst I value the warning given and 
admit the force of the argument advanced, I do 
not repent of my having visited H. E. the 
Viceroy and having had the prolonged talk. It 
has given me added strength. It is of great 
value to an army that its general gains added 
strength. I should therefore repeat the perform- 
ance every time the Viceroy summons me, i. e. 
so long as I have faith in his sincerity. And 
every time I shall come out with greater strength 
than I go with. The method of Satyagraha 
requires that the Satyagrahi should never lose 
hope so long as there is the slightest ground 
left for it. For he never despairs of being able 
to evoke the best in his opponent, his mission 
being to convert the opponent, not humiliate or 
defeat him. He therefore even knocks at his 
opponent’s door if it becomes necessary, as I 
did often with General Smuts. It so happened 
that the last opening, when even I had the 
least hope, proved the prelude to success. 

There ought not to be demoralisation among 
the ranks. It is up to the lieutenants to be in 
constant touch with them and explain to them 
the reason for, and the bearing on the struggle 
of, each step. For whether there is actual 
battle or merely preparation, the education of 
the masses continues without interruption. It is a 
great mistake to suppose that the j revolutionary 
instinct will die. if the garnered energies of the 
people have no outlet. This may be true of 
violent revolution but it is utterly wrong of 
non-violent revolution. I am quite convinced that 
we would put ourselves in the wrong if in out 
impatience we precipitate the battle or, which 
is - the same thing, bang the door on negotia- 
tions. The battle will come at the right time 
when it is clear, beyond doubt that there is no 
escape from it. Misunderstanding created in 
Britain or the world outside need not perturb 
us much for, being foundationless, it is sure to 
disappear in the face of our truth. 

Nor need the prospect worry us, of the nego- 
tiations proving insincere in the sense of their 
being used as a screen to cover Britain’s plans 
to consolidate her strength by misleading world 
opinion and creating and strengthening divisions 
among us. What does matter is our own weak- 
ness for which we alone should be to blaine. 

Segaon, 11-2-40 


Pacifism on Trial 

I gave the other day two visitors’ impressions 
of the Conscientious Objectors’ Tribunals in 
England. Their working is not so simple as it 
looked then, and there is plenty of adverse criti- 
cism of their methods. The young men between 
20 and 23 who come before these tribunals mostly 
come from humble homes and most of them 
have had little mote than elementary education. 
They are put through the rack by highly 
educated men of legal and dialectical acumen, 
and it speaks volumes for the strength of faith 
of these young men that stand these judges 
cross-examination. In many cases it becomes an 
obviously unequal game. ‘ What makes you think 
that Christ condemns war ? He .has never said 
so, has He ? ’ are the questions put to every- 
one, and the answers give rise to numerous 
casuistical questions and cross-questions. Whatever 
ma y be Said of this treatment of men with 
honest convictions, there is no doubt that the 
pacifist movement must have brought plenty of 
popular education in its train. Besides, the im- 
plications of pacifism are being discussed thread- 
bare. Evidently the conviction that man ought 
not to kill brother man does demand a high 
price. The very first price to pay is to be, treated 
like a prisoner in the -dock and questioned and 
cross-questioned as though one was an ordinary 
felon. And then there are tribunals and tribu- 
nals. The South Western Tribunal gave 41 per 
cent unconditional exemptions as against 4 per 
cent given by the London Tribunal ! 

To remedy these discrepancies an Appellate 
Tribunal has been appointed with Mr, H. A. L. 
Fisher, Warden of New College, Oxford, as 
Chairman, and Sir Arthur Pugh, a former Trade 
Union Chairman and Sir Leonard Costello, a 
former High Court Judge of Calcutta, as 
members. It is reported that Mr. Fisher asks 
all kinds of questions to establish a man’s 
pacifism, including what sacrifices he has 
made for his pacifism, and often asks a man 
whether he is a teetotaller! The relevance 
of this may not be understood in England, 
but it would be understood here where a 
man’ s pacifism may well be challenged by asking 
him if he is a vegetarian. There is no doubt' 
that pacifism is on its trial and, whatever the 
consequences, all true pacifists must welcome 
the circumstance. 

“ Political ” Pacifists 

The most intriguing case that has come before 
■ the Appellate Tribunal is that of people who 

EebetjarY 17, 1940 ] HARIJAN 

are described as ‘ political ’ pacifists, as distin- 
guished from the type described as religious or 
ethical. There were two cases in which the 
Government were the appellant. Mr. Fisher, the 
Chairman, esplained the distinction between the 
two types. “ The legal point, ” he said, “ is that 
under the terms of this Act protection is given 
to the pacifist, the honest, conscientious paci- 
fist, that is to say, the man who objects to 
war as a thing evil in itself. That was the 
intention of the statute, not to protect every 
form of conscientious objection, ” of which last 
he gave as instances that of a fascist who may 
have “conscientious objection” to fighting for 
parliamentary government, or of a socialist who 
may have an objection to fighting for a capita- 
list State. “The issue,” he added, “is not the 
quality of the conscience, but its character. Does 
a non-pacifist political objector come under this 
Act?” Mr. Fenner Brockway, who appeared for 
one of the objectors, contended that “ the paci- 
fist’s supreme loyalty is to his conception of 
God or of the universe. The socialist’s supreme 
loyalty is to the workers of all lands with whom 
he feels a unity equivalent ter the unity which 
a patriot feels with his nation. To a poli- 
tical objector it would be morally wrong to kill 
his fellow-workers in the interests of the pos- 
sessing class. It is a matter of conscience to him 
no less than to the pacifist.” Moreover he tried 
to show, by quoting from two Cabinet Ministers’ 
speeches, that “it was the intention of those who 
drafted the Act to cover all classes of consci- 
entious objectors. ” The former Calcutta Judge 
in his peremptory manner said : “ The Tribunal 
is not concerned with what some politicians have 
said. It is concerned only with the Act itself.” 
The objection was ruled out, and both the objec- 
tors were ordered to be struck off the register of 
the exemptees. Mr. Brockway has now protested 
against the Tribunal’s refusal to consider the 
Prime Minister’s and Labour Minister’s state- 
ments in the House of Commons, and asked if 
the assurances they gave were scraps of paper. 
The Prime Minister had said that the Act was' 
meant to exclude “only shirkers” and the Labour 
Minister had said that “ conscientious objection 
is not defined in the Act, and local tribunals 
have to use their own judgment in deciding 
whether an application, on whatever ground it 
is based, is or is not of a conscientious nature.” 
In reply to a question: “Can the Minister say 
that he agrees that this House, in giving the 
right to conscientious objectors, meant to do so 
on all those grounds — ethical and political ? ” 
he said: “That is still the idea.” 

If “ conscientious objection” is not defined in 
the Act, the two applicants ought to have been 
•exempted. But taking a detached view, it would 
appear that a pacifist is only he who objects 
to all war as an evil in itself, whether it is 
fought by a Government that has or has 
not his allegiance. 

A Satyagrahi 

There will always be a difference between 
Indian and European Satyagrahis and pacifists. 
An instance which will surprise the West may 
be cited. Even Gandhiji’s fast at Rajkot against 
what he knew to be a grave breach of a 
solemn pledge by the ruler of Rajkot was 
little understood, and when he renounced the 
Gwyer Award many people, especially in the West, 
failed to understand the reason and believed 
that the Award was renounced because Gandhiji 
had realised that his fast was coercive or immoral. 
But Gandhiji had never doubted the purity of 
the fast; only he rejected the Award because he 
felt that his seeking of the Viceroy’s interven- 
tion had vitiated the fast. Shri Shambhushankar, 
a humble worker of Palitana State, is now on 
a similar fast. He underwent a fast of 15 days 
some months ago against what he felt was a 
breach of promise by the Thakore Saheb of Pali- 
tana. The Dewan then persuaded him to 
break the fast on certain assurances. There was 
no allegation of coercion as the Satyagrahi was 
on the best possible terms with the Thakore 
Saheb and the Dewan. Then he was in jail. 
Now he has begun a fast unto death for breach 
of the assurances given to him by the ^ State. 
Today - 11th - is the 21st day of his fast. He is 
perfectly happy and cheerful, his statements are 
free from the slightest expression of anger against 
the State, and his motive is only to rouse the 
conscience of the Thakore Saheb and the Dewan. 
In a letter I have received from him today he 
writes : 

“ After the hammering I received last year at 
Pachhegam and the hammerings received before at 
Dharasna and Rajkot, my body is far from being 
what it used to be. Last time I fasted in the 
Palitana Jail I fainted as early as the third day. 
This time the beautiful spiritual atmosphere about 
me has sustained me, and even ’on this the eighteen- 
th day though I am weak I have enough energy 
in me. Yesterday, for instance, I span two thousand 
yards, and I mean to keep this up so long as God 
vouchsafes the strength to me. Fatiguing as it is, 
it gives me joy. The whole thing has become a 
kind of ritual — spinning and devotional songs- — in which 
young and old, men, women and children join cheer- 
fully. I should be content if, by the time I breathe 
my last, the whole village without a single exception 
pledges itself to spinning and khadi-wearing. It 
would be our humble contribution to Bapu’s great 
task. Please let not Bapu worry about me. His 
silent blessings are enough to lead me on.” 

My heart bows in silent prayer to the intrepid 
spirit of Shambhubhai. Whether he lives or 
dies, he will win, and his victory will have 
blazed a trail that will light the path of many 
a Satyagrahi still to come. 

Segaon, ll-2'-40 M. D. 

Mahatma Gandhi 

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( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

The Builders of the British Indian Erdpire have 
patiently built its four pillars — the European 
Interests, the Army, the Princes and the Com- 
munal Divisions. The last three were to sub- 
serve the first. It is clear to the realist that 
the Builders have to remove the four pillars 
before they can claim to have given up the 
Empire or the Empire spirit. But they say to 
the nationalists or the destroyers of the Empire 
spirit, “ You have to deal with all the four 
pillars yourselves, before we can treat India as 
an Independent Nation instead of being our 
Dependency.” They say in other words, “ Guaran- 
tee the European interests, make your own 
army, treat with the Princes and with the 
.communalists otherwise known as minorities,” 
The Destroyers retort: “ You imposed the Euro- 
pean interests on us, for their defence you 
built an army and kept it a close preserve, you 
saw that you could use the then existing Princes 
for your own purpose, you made them and un- 
made them, you created new ones, you armed 
them with powers they could not enjoy before 
with safety, in fact you partitioned India so 
that it could never rise against you in one mass. 
You saw again that we were cursed with the 
caste spirit, you took advantage of our weak- 
ness and refined it till at last claims are made 
which, if they were satisfied, there would be no 
single Indian nation and no independence. Add to 
all this the fact that by your policy of disarma- 
ment you have emasculated a whole nation. But 
we do not blame you for the past. On the 
contrary we admire your bravery, skill and spirit 
of adventure. You have copied other Empire 
Builders who preceded you. You have improved 
upon them in a variety of ways. But if you pro- 
fess, as you have professed, that you have decided 
to give India her due, then you have to remove 
from our way the obstacles you have created. 
You are entitled to ask us to recognise the 
difficulties in the way of your making delivery 
and even to help you. If you are honest, you 
will leave us to do the best. You must trust 
our sense of justice, not your strong arm, to 
make us do what is right and proper. Hitherto 
you have determined our fate for us. Now if 
you are earnest, you will not only let us 

determine the method and manner of governing 
ourselves but even help us to do so, if we 
want your help.” 

Lord Zetland has given the answer to the 
Destroyers which I paraphrase as follows: “We 
mean to hold on to what we have. Within that 
orbit, we will let you have such freedom as 
we think is good for you. This war that we 
are fighting is to prevent the disruption of our 
Empire. We want your help, if you will give 
it on these terms. It is good for you and us. 
But we will do without your help if you will 
not give it. You are not the only party we 
have to deal with. There are many in India 
who recognise the benefits- of British Rule and 
pax Britannica. We propose to win the war 
with the help we can command from India 
through the loyal agencies. Their services we 
shall recognise by the grant of further reforms 
when the time comes. This is what we mean 
when we say we shall make the world safe for 
democracy. For we are the most democratic 
power in the world. Therefore, if we are safe, 
so are those who are with us. Those like India 
who are under our tutelage will be initiated 
into the art of democracy in gradual stages so 
that their progress may be uninterrupted and 
they might not have to go through the travail 
we had to go through. ” 1 hope the paraphrase 
does no injustice to Lord Zetland. If it is 
fairly correct, the issues are quite clear. Between 
the two — the Nationalist and the Imperialist — 
there is no meeting ground. If, therefore. Lord 
Zetland represents the British Government’s 
considered view, it is a declaration of war 
against nationalist India. For all the four pillars 
stand firm, rock-like. The more the nationalists 
try to deal with them as if they were problems 
for which they were responsible, the firmer they 
must become. I cannot conscientiously pray for 
the success of British arms if it means a further 
lease of life to India’s subjection to foreign 
domination. I write this last sentence with a 
heavy heart. 

Segaon, 13-2-40 


Gandhiji has issued the following statement 
to the press: 

Lord Zetland’s recent pronouncement, if report- 
ed correctly, sets at rest all speculation regarding 
the Government’s attitude towards the national- 
ist demand. I have been taught to believe that 
Dominion Status after the Statute of Westminster 
pattern is akin to Independence and includes 
the right to secede. Therefore I had thought 
there would be no difficulty about Britain allow- 
ing India to determine her own status. But 
Lord Zetland makes it clear that Britain, not 
India, has to determine it. In other words, the 
British hold on India must remain. He also puts 
the burden upon the nationalists of solving the 
minorities question and the like. I have shown 
how impossible this is without previous recogni- 

February 17, 1940 3 HARIJAN 5 

tion of India’s Independence, no doubt subject 
to safeguards. His Lordship thinks that, because 
some Indians have received the boon of English 
education and have learnt ideas of freedom 
from British writers, they will want always to 
be under British tutelage, euphemistically called 
partnership. This is what I call banging the door 
upon the nationalist position. Does it mean a 
pact deadlier than was announced at the last 
Round Table Conference? If it does, it is a 
declaration of war against nationalists who are 
out to destroy the empire spirit. I submit that 
it is wrong to dismiss the Indian claim by 
accusing the nationalists of losing realities 

in idealism. I suggest that it is he who refuses 
to &ce realities and is wandering in a 

forest of unrealities. I cannot accuse him of 

idealism. I assure him that Nationalist India is 

dreadfully in earnest. 

Segaon, 14-2-40 


India without the British 

A retired English collector thus cables from 
England : 

“ Please consider that India without British troops 
and the sure shield of the British navy would be 
at the mercy of Pathans, Afghans and Japan. The' 
Constituent Assembly would all be in a concentration 
camp very quickly or killed, Satyagraha only works 
with civilised people who are gentlemen. ” 

These are honest fears of an honest English- 
man. But the fears are only imaginary. The 
English friend gives little credit to Indian 
nationalists when he thinks that they contem- 
plate a Constituent Assembly in a vaccuum 

which can be blown to pieces by any power. 

If there is an honourable settlement, the Consti- 
tuent Assembly will meet in the presence of the 
British but without any interference from them. 
If there is no settlement, it will meet after a 
successful rebellion, in which case India will 

have made herself ready to face any emer- 
gency. There is no other contingency possible 
in which a Constituent Assembly can mekt» 
These fears reflect no credit on the British 

regime in India. Whose fault is it that India 
has no army and navy of her own? But the 
absence of army and navy will not deter an 
awakened people from throwing over domination, 
foreign or indigenous. My friend’s ignorance of 
the working of Satyagraha is quite ezcusable. I 
have no finished example of a nation having 
modelled her life on the basis of Satyagraha. I 
can only assure him that it is not the sob-stuflF 
he believes it to be. It is of little use if it can 
work only among the so-called civilised people. 
The partition separating the civilised from the 
•uncivilised is very thin. Both act almost alike 
’•when their passions are roused. 

Segaon, 12-2-40 

A Curious Situaricn 

The Secretary of the Valmiki Mandai, 
Ludhiana, says in a letter: 

“ Under the Poona Pact, eight seats were allotted 
to the Punjab Hindu Depressed Classes on the 
Punjab Legislative Assembly. These seats were 
deducted from Hindu seats. Sikh and other Depressed 
Class people were counted amongst their own 
co-religionists. The Sikh Harijans are fighting with 
their own high caste Sikh brethren for separate 
seats and we wish them full success- But we also 
wish that they should not encroach upon what has 
been allotted to us." 

Consequently the Mandai has sent a petition 
to the Punjab Government, from which I take 
the relevant extracts: 

“ It has been published in the papers that orders 
have been issued to Deputy Commissioners for the 
preparation of the votor’s lists for the coming elec- 
tions of the Punjab Legislative Assembly. In that 
very connection, we beg to approach you with the 
following : 

1. That, according to the Poona Pact, made 
between the High Caste Hindus and Depressed Class 
Hindus, ratified by the Government, eight seats were 
allotted in the Punjab Legislative Assembly to Hindu 
Depressed Classes or Hindu Scheduled Castes as 
they are called. 

2. That these seats were deducted from the total 
number of Hindu seats. 

3. That the Sikh and Muslim Depressed Classes 
or Scheduled Caste people, for instance Sikh Chamars 
or Sikh Valmikis, having been counted amongst 
their own co-religionists, could not become voters or 
members in the above-named eight constituencies. 

4. That great confusion is prevalent regarding the 
third point. 

5. That to ensure the right interpretation, and to 
avoid objection petitions on a large scale, instructions 
may very kindly be issued, not to enlist Sikhs as 
voters in the above-named constituencies, or a column 
of religion may also be added. " 

The petitioners’ objection is quite sound. But 
why should there be Sikh, Muslim or Christian 
untouchables? Has the bait of power made the 
converts repent of their conversion ? If the 
problem is not carefully and justly handled, with 
all-round growing consciousness it may give rise 
to embarrassing complications. There need be no 
surprise if to be classed among the chosen 
Scheduled Classes becomes a coveted privilege 
instead of being a sign of reproach. Time was 
when those who were regarded by the Govern- 
ment or society as untouchables resented the 
appellation and were trying to avoid it. Now 
the emphasis is the other way. Let it be remem- 
bered in this connection that it is only Hinduism 
that has the dishonour of having untouchables 
legally known as Scheduled Classes. 

Segaon, 12-2-40 

Adulteration of Ghee 

Dr. Kailas Nath Katju writes: 

“ I have read with great interest in Harijan of 
20th January your note on adulteration of ghee. 



[Febbuasy 17, 1940 

It may interest you to know that before we 
resigned office in the U. P. this problem had 
engaged our closest consideration. Adulteration is 
rampant and must be stopped. ■ The misfortune is 
that it is -not only the ghee-dealer and the middle- 
man who have taken to adulterations but even the 
ghee producers in the villages are resorting to 
adulteration in their own homes before they bring 
ghee to the market. The cheap vanaspati and other 
vegetable ghee so ^called make adulteration such an 
easy process. We considered the question of com- 
pulsory admixture of vegetable oils with some edible 
colour or flavour, but the difficulty is to discover 
some such harmless colour or flavour. In the hot 
climate of India there is a danger of injury to 
health by the use of such fast colour. 

We had drafted and introduced in the U. P. 
Legislature a comprehensive bill to stop this 
mischief. It was at the committee stage when we 
resigned. The bill confers power on the Provincial 
Government to prescribe colouring or flavouring of 
artificial ghee or vegetable oils. But I think the 
more useful and really important provision in the bill 
for the purpose in hand is that which arms the Pro- 
vincial Government with the power to prohibit sale 
of artificial or vegetable ghee in ghee-producing areas. 
I have known of rural areas where ghee is produced 
on a large scale and where practically no one 
consumes vegetable ghee, yet vegetable ghee is sold in 
huge quantities and purchased by people for purposes 
of adulteration. We thought that in such areas where 
vegetable ghee is really sold for these universal pur- 
poses the only proper method is to prohibit its sale 
altogether, and thus protect and foster the genuine 
ghee industry. 

I hope this measure will meet with your approval. 
Agriculture without dairy industry cannot flourish. In 
the U. P. we also encouraged the formation in large 
numbers of ghee co-operative societies, and I insisted 
that the bye-laws of such societies must have strin- 
gent regulations to stop and check adulteration by its 
members. That was also proving efficacious, 

I am writing this to you in the hope that it 
may interest the readers of Harijan"' 

The suggestion made by Dr. Katju about 
specially dealing with ghee producing areas is 
worthy of consideration. Indeed the question of 
adulteration of this important article of national 
diet is so important that it requires all-India 
treatment. It need not wait for disposal of the 
so-called higher politics. 

On the way to Delhi, 5-2-40 M. K. G. 

To Correspondents and Message-seekers 

In spite of my notice in Harijan of Decem- 
ber 23rd those who can spare me continue to 
write and ask for messages. I would refer them 
to the notice for fuller explanation. I know 
several intimate friends have not received acknow- 
ledgments or messages. They will forgive me, 
I have to harden, my heart, if I am to cope 
with the responsibility I am carrying. And what 
can be better than that I should commence with 
known friends? 

Segaon, 15-1-40 M. K. G, 



“ One Fraternity ” 

But what really shall we rediscover ? To 
rediscover Christianity is to rediscover Religion, 
When Gandhiji asks the Hindus to eradicate 
from Hinduism the blot of untouchability he 
appeals to them apparently to rediscover Hindu- 
ism but really to rediscover Religion. It was an 
agreeable surprise to me to find a lay poet like 
John Drinkwater quoted in a Christian manifesto 
the other day : 

“We know the paths wherein our feet should press. 
Across our hearts are written Thy decrees: 

Yet now, O Lord, be merciful to bless 
With more than these. 

Grant us the will to fashion as we feel, 

Grant us the strength to labour as we know, 
Grant us the purpose, ribb’d and edged with steel,. 
To strike the blow. 

Knowledge we ask not — knowledge Thou hast lent,. 
But, Lord, the will — there lies our bitter need. 
Give us to build above the deep intent 
The deed, the deed.” 

That prayer of Drinkwater can be adopted by 
people of all creeds. The poet in these and the 
earlier stanzas expresses the feelings of us all- 
Man is not so much in need of “ a clearer 
vision ”, or of “ a fuller knowledge of the end ”, 
'or of “the high perception” of “ when to re- 
frain and when fulfil” or of “the understanding to- 
sift the good from ill”. All these, men learned 
in religious lore — Christian lore, Hindu lore,, 
Islamic lore, Jewish lore — have in an ample 
measure. What most of us lack, however, is the 
will * to fashion as we feel the ‘ strength to 
labour as we know what most of us lack so 
badly is ‘ the deed, the deed’. 

, And here I am reminded of the story . of 
Rabbi Cohen, whom Woodrow Wilson called the 
first citizen of Texas, told in an issue of the 
American Readers' Digest. At the age of 75 he* 
spends his time scurrying through the streets of 
Galveston intent on errands of goodwill, “pre- 
cisely as he has’ been from morning to night 
for more than 50 years.” His hobby is to help 
people, no matter what their race or creed. He* 
seeks out men released from prison, he seeks* 
out unthrifty people, patients .in hospital, and. 
helps them. He rushes out of his office meeting 
the waifs and strays. He has got their names 
scribbled on the cuff of his sleeve which he 
calls his note-book, and never retires to bed 
until the last name is crossed off. “But Rabbi,” 
his interviewer asks, “ there didn’t seem to be 
many Jews on that list.” The Rabbi looks at 
him and says: “ Why, no. There wasn’t onei 
" What difference does that make? In this town 
there is no such thing as Methodist mumps^ 
Baptist domestic troubles, Presbyterian poverty 
or Catholic broken legs.” If he was in India, 
he might have added : “ Hindu plague, Muslim 
poverty, Jain cholera and so on.” 

FEBEUARY 17, 1940 ] 



A Russian revolutionary, who had escaped 
from Russia as a stowaway and was now in a 
Galveston prison, sent a message to Rabbi Cohen 
to say that he had learnt that his family was 
starving and that he was to be deported on the 
next ship, and that in Russia he would have 
to face a firing squad. The immigration officer in 
Galveston could do nothing, Washington could 
do nothing, and yet something had to be done. 
Rabbi Cohen bikes to the jail to see him, bikes 
back, stops at a friend’s, borrows a hundred dollars 
and catches a train for Washington. He peddles 
down to the Department of Labour, where the 
Secretary politely says nothing could be done. 
He then rushes to President Taft who says to 
him: “No exceptions* You Jews are wonderful. 
I don’t know of any people who will do as 
much for their own race and creed as you do.” 
“My own creed!" exclaims Rabbi Cohen. “What 
-do you mean, Mr. President? This man is not a 
Jew! He is a Greek Catholic!” President Taft 
jumps. “A Greek Catholic! You came all the 
way from Texas to intercrede for a Greek Catho- 
lic ? ’’ “ Certainly,’’ says the Rabbi, “ He is a 
human being, isn’t he ? ’’ Taft is moved, he 
immediately gives orders for the Russian revolu- 
tionary’s release and for his being put in the 
-custody of Rabbi Cohen. The Rabbi gets him a 
pb in a boiler factory, and he eventually gets 
his family out of Russia. 

This humanitarian work to which the Rabbi 
■devotes a third of his time has prompted the 
•citizens of Galveston to build him the Cohen 
Community House at a cost of 100,000 dollars. 
Not that he has neglected his own community. 
He has worked for Jewish refugees as none 
else has done, and “ his refugee work was so 
successful that during the trouble with Mexico 
in 1913, Congress, on the recommendation of 
the American Red Cross, voted 75,000 dollars 
to the care for refugees from Mexico, to be 
administered by Rabbi Cohen entirely at bis 

He has revolutionised the prison conditions in 
Texas and has even helped in setting aside 
wrong convictions. He investigated the case 
of a man called Sidney Porter, appealed to the 
Governor, and months afterwards a man appeared 
at Cohen’s door saying : “ I am Sidney Porter. 
I can’t do anything now to pay you for what 
you have done for me. But I am a writer. I 
will write things to help your people.” He was 
the distinguished story-writer O’Henry! 

Rabbi Cohen goes to his congregation and 
preaches too. But any great text is good enough 
for him. “ Look at the golden rule in Confu- 
cius,” he says. “ I would as soon preach on 
a text from Confucius as the Talmud if the 
truth is there” And so he is asked to speak in 
the Protestant churches of Galveston, and 
“every Protestant minister, and Catholic priest, 
too, have spoken in the synagogue and the Henry 
Cohen Community House.” And his example has 
been infectious. The Jews are less than two 

per cent in Galveston, and yet hundreds of 
Catholics voted for a Jewish major. This Catholic 
priest said to the writer of the sketch of Rabbi 
Cohen : “ Why is it we judge a man in this 
town not for his race or his creed, but for what 
he is himself ? The answer is Rabbi Cohen." 

That indeed is rediscovering Religion, When 
we have rediscovered Religion by the grace of 
God, then indeed will J. A. Symonds’ dream be 
fulfilled. Then shall arise a loftier race of men 

” Shall be gentle, brave and strong 
To spill no drop of blood, but dare 
All that may plant man’s lordship’s firm 
On earth and fire and sea, and air. 

Nation with nation, land with land 
Unarmed shall live as comrades free; 

In every heart and brain shall throb 
The pulse of one fraternity. 

New arts shall bloom of loftier mould 
And mightier music thrill the skies 
And ev'ery life shall be a song 
When all the earth is paradise." 

Gandhiji did not touch this aspect of the redis- 
covery of Christianity when talking with Mr. 
Smith, but when he asked him and his co- 
workers to help in reconstructing future civilisa- 
tion on surer foundations he meant all this. 

New Delhi, 5-2-40 ' M. D. 

{By M. K. GandhO 
Untruth in Law Courts 

Q. I have followed with interest the contro- 
versy that has grown round your article in • 
Harijan “The Fourfold Ruin”. Whatever one 
may say about the arguments used on either 
side in this controversy, one thing I am in a 
position to . assert without fear of contradiction, 
from my experience as a judicial officer of the 
present system of our law. Courts and the insti- 
tution of lawyers are mainly responsible for the 
moral and spiritual degradation of our village 
peasantry in particular and the public in general. 
Even ‘ respectable ’ people, whom one has learnt 
to regard as the soul of honour in their ordi- 
nary every-day life, will tell barefaced lies’ for 
a trifle in a law court and think nothing of it. 
The canker is eating into the vitals of our 
village life. Would you suggest as to what a 
person in my position ( viz. a judge ), who has 
to record evidence and give judicial decisions, 
can do to check this evil? 

A. What you say is too true. The atmosphere 
round law courts is debasing as any visitor 
passing through them can see. I hold radical 
views about the administration of justice. But 
mine, I know, is a voice in the wilderness.’ 
Vested interests will not allow radical reform 
unless India comes into her own through truthful 
and non-violent means. If that glorious event 
happens, the administration of law and ihedicine 
will be as cheap and healthy as it is today dear 
and unhealthy. The heroic advice will be for 

8 HARIJAN [Februaey 17, 1940 

you to descend from the bench, embrace poverty 
and serve the poor. The prosaic will be for you 
to do the best you can in the very difficult 
circumstances in which you find yourself, 
reduce life to its simplest terms and devote your 
savings for the service of the poor, 

Ahimsa v. Self-respect 

Q. I am a university student. Yesterday 
evening some of us went to a cinema show. 
During the performance two of us went outside 
leaving our handkerchiefs behind on our seats. 
On our return we found that two British sol- 
diers had taken possession of these seats un- 
ceremoniously in spite of the clearest warning 
and entreaty by otir friends. When requested to 
vacate the seats they not only refused but 
showed an inclination to fight. They browbeat 
the cinema manager who, being Indian, was 
easily cowed down. In the end the garrison 
officer was called and they vacated their seats. 
If he had not appeared, there would have been 
only two alternatives before us, either to resort 
to violence and maintain our self-respect, or to 
allow ourselves to be browbeaten and quietly 
occupy some other seat. The latter would 
have been too humiliating. How would you 
apply the principle of non-violence under such 
circumstances ? 

A. I must admit the difficulty of solving the 
riddle. Two ways occur to me of dealing with 
the situation non-violently. First, firmly to stand 
the groimd till the seats are vacated; secondly, 
deliberately so to stand as to obstruct the view 
of the usurpers. In each case you run the risk 
of being beaten by the usurpers. I am not satis- 
fied with my answers. But they meet the special 
circumstances in which we are placed. The ideal 
answer no doubt is not to bother about the 
usurpation of the personal right but to reason 
with the usurpers and, if they do not listen, to 
report such cases to the authorities concerned 
and, in case of failure, take them to the high- 
est tribunal. This is the constitutional method 
which is not taboo in a non-violent conception 
of society. Not to take the law into one’s own 
hands is essentially a non-violent method. But the 
ideal has no relation to reality in this country 
because the index of expectation of justice for 
Indians in cases where white men and specially 
white soldiers are concerned is almost zero. 
Hence it is necessary to resort something like 
what I have st^geseed. But I know that when 
we have real non-violence in us a non-violent 
way out is bound, without effort, to occur to 
us when we find ourselves in a difficult situation. 

Students and the Coming Fight 

Q. Although a college student I am a four 
anna member of the Congress. You say I may 
not take any active part in the coming struggle 
whilst I am studying. What part do you expect 
the student world to take in the freedom 
movement ? 

A. There is a confusion of thought in the. • 
question. The fight is going on now and it will, 
continue till the nation has come to her birth- 
right. Civil disobedience is one of the many 
methods of fighting. So far as I can judge 
today, I have no intention of calling out 

students. Millions will not take part in civil 
disobedience. But millions will help in a variety 
of ways. 

1. Students can, by learning the art of volun- 
tary discipline, fit themselves for leadership in 
the various branches of the nation’s work. 

2. They can aim not at finding lucrative 
careers but at becoming national servants after 
completing their studies. 

3. They can set apart for the national coffers 
a certain sum from their allowances. 

4. They can promote intercommunal, inter- 
provincial and intercaste harmony among them- 
selves and fraternise with Harijans by abolishing 
the least trace of untouchability from their lives, 

5. They can spin regularly and use certified 
khadi to the exclusion of all other cloth as 
well as hawk khadi. 

6. They can set apart a certain time every 
week, if not every day, for service in a village 
or villages nearest to their institutions and, 
during the vacation, devote a certain time daily 
for national service. 

The time may of course come when it may 
be necessary to call out the students as I did 
before. Though the contingency is remote, it 
will never come, if I have any say in the 

matter, unless the students have qualified them- 
selves previously in the manner above described. 

Segaon, 12-2-40 


Agents at times ask [us to send books, paper, 

etc., in book post packets or railway parcels con- 

taining copies of Harijan. This is not possible in 
view of the fact that these packets and parcels, 

being sent undfeir concession rates, can contain nothing 
but copies of a registered newspaper. Agents will, 
therefore, please not repeat this request nor expect 
us to send them individual replies to this effect. 


Swadeshi — True and False 

By Gandhiji & Others 

Articles reprinted from Young India and Harijan. 
Printed on handmade paper. ^ Foolscap 17 pages. 
Price one anna; or two annas including postage. 

Available at Harijan Office-Poona 4 


The Old Game? ... M. K. Gandhi 1 

Occasional Notes ... M. D. 2 

Is It War? ... M. K. Gandhi 4 

Banging the Door ... M. K. Gandhi 4 

Rediscovering Religion — II... M. D. 6 

The Question Box ... M. K. Gandhi 7 

Notes : 

India without the British... M. K. G. 5 

A Curious Situation ... M. K. G. 5 

Adulteration of Ghee ... M. K. G. 5 

Printed and Published by Vithal Hari Barve at the Aryabhushan Press, 915/1 Fergusson College Road, Poona 4 
Snbscriptioa Rate» — INLAND : One year, Bs. 4, Six months, Bs. 2-8, Foreign : One year, Bs. 5-8 or, 8 sh. or 2 S. 

Reg. No. B 3092 




( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

During my brief stay in Bengal I have been 
overwhelmed with questions on the Communal 
Decision. I have been told that neither the 
Working Committee nor I have pronounced 
decisive opinion on it. The Working Com- 
mittee’s decision is written in its records 
and has been published. It has neither accepted 
nor rejected the Decision. There can be neither 
acceptance nor rejection of an imposed thing. A 
prisoner is not required to accept the sentence 
pronounced against him. His rejection would be 
meaningless. For he would soon find himself 
undeceived. The Communal Decision has been 
imposed upon India not for her own good but 
for strengthening the British Imperial hold on 
India. The Working Committee has, therefore, 
as much accepted and as much rejected the 
Decision as Bengal has. There is this difference, 
however, that the Working Committee has not 
agitated against it like Bengal. 

For me, I detest the Decision. It has benefited 
no single party in India but the British. If the 
Muslims flatter themselves with the belief that 
they have profited by it, they will soon find 
that they were sadly mistaken. If I could alter 
the Decision and make it what it should be, I 
should do so this very moment. But I have no 
such power. The power can only come if there 
is unity, Bengal is the most glaring instance of 
injustice. I can conceive of no just reason for 
putting the wedge of the tremendous European 
vote between the two major communities. Their 
number is insignificant. Their interest is pro- 
tected by the British bayonet. Why should that 
interest have added strength given to it by its 
introduction in the legislature? I can understand 
its representation without vote so as to enable 
it to put its case before the legislature. So long 
as it has the protection of the British bayonet, 
its over-representation on the legislature is a 
wholly unjust imposition. The whole face of 
the Bengal legislature would be changed if 
the European vote was withdrawn. Today that 
legislature is - not wholly responsible to the 
people, the real voters. The European bloc 
*gives peace neither to the Muslims nor the 
Hindus. Muslim ministers may flatter themselves 
with the belief that they are safe with the 
European vote. They may be safe as indivi- 
duals, but the national interest cannot be stife if 
a body of persons who are numerically insig- 

nificant are given an artificially decisive voting 
strength in a democratic assembly. It deprives 
the latter of its democratic character. 

Thus the evil contained in the Decision I 
know. But I do not know how to deal with 
it except by patient endeavour. This 1 do know 
that there can be no real Swaraj so long as 
that Decision stands. Bengal is a glaring instance 
of the inequity. Assam is another. A critical 
examination of the Decision would show that 
it has very little to recommend itself from the 
national standpoint. It can be altered either by 
the British Government redressing the wrong or 
by successful rebellion. I was going to add by 
mutual agreement. But that seems an impossi- 
bility even if Hindus and Muslims agreed. Euro- 
peans have also to agree, and they have to agree 
to self-abnegation — an event unknown in politics. 
If there was self-abnegation, there would no 
European interest in India which is hostile to 
the national interest. He will he a bold man 
who will assert and hope to prove that there was 
in India no European interest hostile to the nation. 

On the train to Calcutta, 19-2-40 


(By M. K. Gandhi ) 

Unity V. Justice 

Q. In your article ‘ Unity v. Justice ’ you say 
that, if you give more than his due to your 
brother, you neither bribe him nor do you do 
an injustice. You say: “ I can disarm suspicion 
only by being generous. Justice without generosity 
is done at the expense of the very cause for 
which it is sought to be done.” I submit that 
justice and generosity cannot go hand in hand. 
As Dryden has rightly observed, “ Justice is 
blind, it knows nobody.” Besides, you can be 
generous to the weak, meek and the humble, 
not to one who in the arrogance of his strength 
seeks to coerce you into submission. To give 
more than his due to such a person is not 
generosity but cowardly surrender. Though Hindus 
are numerically stronger, their majority, as you 
yourself have pointed out, is only fictitious and 
actually they are the weaker party. Besides, if 
generosity is to be shown to the Muslims, the 
only organisation that is. competent to offer it 
is the Hindu Mahasabha. What right has a third 
party to be generous to one of the two parties 
to a dispute at the other party’s expense ? 

A, In my article referred to by you I have 
dealt with general principles, not with particular 
minorities. Even as justice to be justice has to 



[ Februaey 24, 1940 

be generous, generosity in order to justify itself 
has got to be strictly just. Therefore it should 
not be at the expense of any single interest. 
Hence there cannot be any question of sacrific- 
ing some minority or minorities, for the benefit 
of any minority. You are right again in con- 
tending that generosity has to be shown to the 
weak and the humble, and not to the bully. 
Nevertheless I would say, on behalf of the bully, 
that even he is entitled to justice, for immediately 
you brush aside the bully and be unjust to him 
you justify his bullying. Thus the only safe — 
not to put it higher — rule of conduct is to do 
generous justice, irrespective of the character of 
the minority. I am quite sure that where there 
is strictest justice the question of majority and 
minority would not arise. The bully is a portent 
and is an answer to some existing circumstance, 
as for instance cowardice. It is often forgotten 
that cowardice can be unjust. The fact is that 
cowards have no sense of justice. They yield 
only to threat, or actual use, of force. I do not 
know that there is any question of choice 
between a coward and a bully. The one is as 
bad as the other, with this difference that the 
bully always follows the coward in point of time. 

In a previous issue I have admitted that the 
proper organisation to enter into settlements is 
the Hindu Mahasabha, so far as Hindus are 
concerned, or any such organisation. The Con- 
gress endeavours to represent all communities. 
It is not by design, but by the accident of 
Hindus being politically more conscious than the 
others, that the Congress contains a majority of 
Hindus. As history proves the Congress is a joint 
creation of Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Hindus, 
led by Englishmen, be it said to the credit of 
the latter. And the Congress, in spite of all 
that may be said to the contrary, retains that 
character. At the present moment a Muslim 
divine is the unquestioned leader of the 
Congress and for the , second time becomes its 
president. The constant endeavour of Congressmen 
has been to have as many members as possible 
drawn from the various communities, and there- 
fore the Congress has entered into pacts for 
the purpose of securing national solidarity. It 
cannot, therefore, divest itself of that function, 
and therefore, although I have made the admis- 
sion that the Hindu Mahasabha or a similar 
Hindu organisation can properly have communal 
settlements, the Congress cannot and must not 
plead incapacity for entering into political pacts 
so long as it commands general confidence. 

On the train to Calcutta, 16-2-40 

To Correspondents and Message-seekers 

In spite of my notice in Harijan of Decem- 
ber 23rd those who can spare me continue to 
write and ask for messages. I would refer them 
to the notice for fuller explanation. I know 
several intimate friends have not received acknow- 
ledgments or messages. They will forgive me. 

I have to harden rny heart if I am to cope 
with the responsibility^ I am carrying. And what 
can be better than that I should commence with 
known friends ? Segaon, 15-1-40 M. K. G. 


All for the Empire 

In his recent Mansion House speech the 
British Prime Minister said: 

“ It is becoming increasingly clear that the German 
Government has long planned the successive stages 
of a programme of conquest, and that its appetite 
grows by what it feeds upon. Today the members 
of that Government do not hesitate to say that they 
desire to achieve the ruin of the British Empire, and 
no doubt they would rejoice if they could treat us 
as they are treating the victims already within their 
grip. We, on our side, have no such vindictive 
designs. To put it about that the Allies desire the 
annihilation of the German people is a fantastic and 
malicious invention which could only be put forward 
for home consumption. But, on the other hand, the 
German people must realise that the responsibility 
for the prolongation of this war and all the suffer- 
ing that it may bring in the coming year is theirs 
as well as that of the tyrants who stand over them. 
They must realise that the desire of the Allies for 
a social, human, just, Christian settlement cannot be 
satisfied by assurances which experience has proved 
to be worthless. ” 

Apart from what “the vile” German Govern- 
ment have done, is it not clear from this 
statement that the war is being fought for the 
preservation of the Empire? Germany has deva- 
stated Poland and Russia Finland, but neither 
has yet declared that her intention is to anni- 
hilate Britain or the British people. The British 
Empire is a different propositon altogether. 
Is “ a social, human, just, Christian settlement ” 
compatible with the existence and defence of 
the Empire and the exploitation that it necessarily 
means? Also is such “ a‘ social, human, just, 
Christian settlement” possible while Britain retains 
her Empire and imperialism? Evidently according 
to Lord Zetland it is possible. So long as imperia- 
lism lasts, it must excite the jealousy of the other 
powers. If imperialism was really given up, there 
would be no incentive to war on either side. 
As things are, both the sides are equally to 
blame for the prolongation of the war. For there 
must be Christian conduct before a Christian 
settlement becomes a possibility. 

“ Not Gandhi or Nehru but Hitler ” 

This was the heading of an “ unofficial note ” 
passed for publication by the Information OflEcer: 

In a recent issue the Rheinisch — Westfaelische 
Zeitung of Essen ( Germany ) wrote ; 

* Poor Englishmen ! They still live in . the illusion 
that they can save their Empire. But the Empire 
is crumbling to pieces. 

‘India will soon be free from the yoke of the 
white race. Nehru, the future Gandhi, who went to 
school in Moscow, has said that England will shortly 
see it. The fate of India, the fate of the British 
Empire, will, however, not be decided in the far lands 
overseas, but in Europe — when Germany has won 
the war.” 

It is rather difficult to see the point of this 
note. We know that the British Government do 

Febeuary 24, 1940 ] HAEIJAW li 

not want Hitler to decide the fate of India or 
of the British Empire. But do they not, or must 
they not, want India to decide it? If they will 
permit India to decide her fate, i, e, of the 
Empire, Hitler may be successfully prevented 
from taking the task upon himself. But if they 
will not permit India to do so — Lord Zetland 
has declared that he will not — the war is 
automatically prolonged, and God alone knows 
who will decide the fate of India and the Empire. 
British arms have not availed to prevent the 
devastation of Poland or of Finland. Is there any 
certainty that they will prevail against further 
ruin? On the other hand, is not the certainty 
greater of war ending soon if and when Britain 
has made a voluntary surrender of the Empire? 

"An Infernal Nuisance*' 

But there are all kinds of arguments advanced. 
India's defence, her minority problem, her divi- 
sions, etc., are all obstacles to her being given 
a free hand to determine her constitution. There 
were the same problems with respect to the 
Dominions which now enjoy virtual independence, 
but they were inhabited by people who had the 
same colour of skin as the Britishers and so 
the problems ceased to be regarded as obstacles. 
What they will not voluntarily yield to a non- 
violent India, they had to yield to the rebellious 
whites in the Dominions. But evidently the 
conscience of the British people has been roused, 
and they ,see the justice of India’s case. For 
Mr.. Vernon Bartlett wrote in The News Chronicle 
brushing aside all the pleas that are trotted out: 

“ But the Indian problem is as simple or as 
complicated as you like to make it. There is no 
part of this globe where the religious, racial and 
economic difficulties give more scope to the obstruc- 
tionist. As against that, few facts are simpler to 
understand than that the effort by a few thousand 
white men to keep under control some three 
hundred and fifty million brown men is a lasting 
and dangerous cause of unrest 

How would you feel about it if you were to learn 
from the newspapers that your Government had sud- 
denly involved you in a war at the request of some 
people on the other side of the globe, from whom 
you differed in race, language, religion and even the 
colour of your skin? 

There are* millions of Indians ready to fight for 
India, but why should we expect them all to be 
ready to fight for British rule over India? 

Because so many of them fought in the last war ? 
But' their effort then has not brought them self- 
government, although, while that war was still in 
progress, the other Dominions achieved Home Rule. 

We have — and let us admit it frankly — very 
little more right to demand that the Indians should 
fight for us than Hitler has to demand the self- 
sacrifice of the Czechs. 

And yet we very much need Indian, help, for, 
man power apart, India is among the world’s largest 
producers of a whole range of important . supplies — 
manganese, mica, shellac, jule, cotton, rice, tea are 
only some of them. 

Almost more important is the effect of Indian 
help on the neutrals. The largest meeting I ever 
attended in New York was one to protest against 
British rule in India. 

It may be unfair, but it is undeniable that immense 
harm would be done not only to our military 
strength, but also to our hope of winning ever- 
increasing neutral support in this war if the Chamber- 
lain Government were to put into execution those 
threats of force at which Sir Samuel Hoare so 
unfortunately hinted in his speech from the Treasury 

That Indian help can be obtained. How, it is not 
for me to suggest in detail. But we start off with a 
valuable fact in our favour. The leaders of Congress 
Party claim independence for India on the principle 
of democratic self-determination — that means that 
they are, ipso facto, allied to us against Hitlerism. 

Or they will be as soon as they have any evi- 
dence from the Viceroy’s treatment of their own 
case that the British Government itself believes in 
that principle. There is nothing like a common 
foreign policy for smoothing out domestic differences. 

Congress does not represent all India ? There are 
minorities that must be protected ? But what party 
anywhere represents a whole population ? Where are 
there no minorities ? The Hindu-Moslem disputes 
undoubtedly make the problem much more difficult, 
but the difficulty will never be lessened ' if we in 
Great Britain make Home Rule of India dependent 
upon their disappearance 

The obvious truth about India is that she will be 
an infernal nuisance until she has self-government.. 
She is growing up as a political entity in the 
modern world. She has reached that stage when 
she would rather make a mess of things by govern- 
ing herself than be better governed by others. Any 
people passing through that stage needs sympathy, 
and is grateful for it. 

If our Government would shorten the period of 
strain, then there would be^a million Indians anxious 
to help the British Empire in its gravest struggle.*' 
Why Not Dominion Status? 

No one will accuse Shri Ramananda Chatterji, 
the veteran journalist, of extreme views. This 
is what he says on the issue of Dominion 
Status in The Modern Review for February: - 

“ If any person were to ask the present writer, 

* Would you be satisfied with Dominion Status ?* he 
would be constrained to answer ‘ No ’. For a large 
and ancient country like India with a civilization of 
its own to become the Dominion of another coun- 
try inhabited by a different people with a different 
civilization, culture traditions and history, cannot be 
admitted as a natural, or right development. The 
white people of Australia or New Zealand may 
agree to their countries being Dominions of their 
Mother country. The people of Canada of British 
stock may have similar feelings. As people of Eurp- 
pean extraction the French Canadians may not be 
dissatisfied with being the citizens of a British 

Dominion We who are neither of British nor of 

any other European extraction cannot be accused 
of any unnatural sentiment if we be not satis. 



[ September 1, 1940 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

A friend, who is himself trying to collect 
for the Andrews Memorial, has written a letter 
from which I take the following relevant 
paragraphs ; 

‘‘ As I read it there are four objects of the appeal 
( you will kindly ' correct me, if I am wrong ) : 

(i) Ensuring the permanence of the present establi- 
shed work by an endowment to enable Santinikelan 
to fulfil Andrews ’ high hopes for it, unhampered 
by the constant financial anxiety with which it is 
now burdened. 

This is obviously the first need, for it would be 
doubtful wisdom to add new developments to an 
institution which itself is insecure. At the same time 
the amount required for this purpose is nowhere 

If there is a sufficiently generous response to the 
appeal, providing more than is required for this first 
need, then it will be possible to go on to the other 
three parts of the scheme, viz. 

( ii ) A small but properly equipped hospital ; 

(iii) The provision of ‘ Deenabandhu wells* in the 
district ; 

( iv ) The provision of the Hall of Christian culture. 

Now, if I am right in this, it must surely occur 

to the reader of the appeal that, if, as seems likely, 
the institution requires a considerable sum for its 
endowment fund, the chances that any contributions 
made now will actually be available for either of the 
second, third or fourth part of the scheme are some- 
what remote. It is not stated whether contributors 
are allowed to earmark their gifts for any of the 
special objects in the scheme; and obviously, if a 
large proportion of contributors did so, the primary 
object of the appeal — the placing of Santinikelan 
on a sound basis financially — may be defeated. 

My second difficulty was about the statement of 
the aims, and I had in view particularly those of 
the proposed hall of Christian culture, in which I am 
naturally interested. 

That is first described as providing for India*s 
thought contact with the Western world, on the 
analogy of the ‘Cheena Bhavan’ and China, This 
suggests a doubtful identification of ‘Christian culture* 
and ‘ W estern culture. ’ 

The statement then goes on to speak of (a) the 
application of the teaching and character of Christ to 
international problems, and (b) the task of interpret- 
‘ing in Eastern modes of thought the spirit and 
mind of Christ. 

What we have, therefore, seems to be three rather 
different aims, all very important and relevant. 
Perhaps it may be necessary to leave it in this 
rather wide form; and yet I cannot help thinking 
that a more careful wording might make clear the 
relation of the other two aspects of the aim to that 
which is described as the ‘central purpose*. 

Thirdly, I raised the question of trustees and a 
sound basis for confidence in the future running of 
the scheme. If I understand your letter rightly, the 
trustees of this special fund are to be the trustees 
^ Santiniketan and Sriniketan, mentioned at the end 

of the appeal. The appeal itself does not seem tc 
make this clear. 

Does this imply that the disposal and allocation of 
the special fund raised is directly in the hands of 
these trustees of Santiniketan, so that, in effect, the 
fund becomes an additional part of the corpus of 
the Trust ? 

It seemed to me that for a scheme of the impor- 
tance and magnitude of that contemplated in the 
appeal there would be a place for some special 
committee or body of trustees related a little more 
definitely both to the special objects and to the 
wider interests to which the appeal will extend. ** 

The enquiry is pertinent and deserves a proper 
answer. As I happen to be one of the signa- 
tories to the appeal for funds, what I write may 
be taken as authoritative. The present trustees 
have made a rough calculation of the expenses 
in connection with the three definite additions 
to Santiniketan. After providing for them, a 
surplus is expected to be available which will 
go into the general funds. But naturally these 
three items will have precedence. Nevertheless . 
it is open to donors to earmark their funds 
for any of the three additions, and the money 
will be so used. Therefore there need be no 
apprehension about the additions, whether dona- 
tions are earmarked or not. If I may let out 
a secret, I may say that the general appeal was 
my idea. Gurudev, who first thought of tlie 
memorial being identified with Santiniketaiii, had 
in mind only two things — the hospital and . the 
hall, the latter being the suggestion of a Christian 
friend. Deenabandhu wells were to be built out 
of Santiniketan funds. Taking the cue from 
Gurudev, I felt there should be no hesitation 
whatsoever in identifying the whole of Santi- 
niketan with Andrews’ memory. The Poet is a 
host in himself. He has an established inter- 
national fame which will grow with time. 
Nevertheless Andrews was its best advertiser. 
Gurudev has no advertising ability. He simply 
works, wishes, and then leaves his wishes 
to fate. Not so the practical Englishman. 
He felt attracted to the Poet, and found his 
peace and permanent abode in Santiniketan. 
England was his birth-place; he never tore 
himself away from her. But his soul found its 
full expression and home in Santiniketan, and 
I know, because I was his co-workcr, that he 
went literally from door to door in order to 
get funds for Santiniketan. And he would often 
say to me : ‘ Never mind Santiniketan, but you 
must get so much money for me. You know 
what Santiniketan means to me and what the 
Poet means to the world.’ And I succumbed tc 
his advance whenever he made it, even though 
I could ill afford the time. His love for Santi- 
niketan was greater — I say this without any 
offence to anyone living in Santiniketan — than 
theirs. It was certainly as great as the Poet’s, 
and Santiniketan, as it is at present, is due 
as much to Andrews as to the Poet. Probably 
Andrews was the more persistent of the two. 

September 1, 1940 ] HAEIJAN 271 

With this knowledge at the back of my 
mind I had no hesitation in suggesting that the 
appeal should be general. Hence I would say 
to would-be donors that they would miss the 
central fact of the memorial if they detached the 
three additions from Santiniketan. For the three 
together would be a poor memorial to Deena- 
bandhu if Santiniketan were no more. And let 
me say at once that Santiniketan wdll never 
owe its permanence to the five lakhs that may 
be collected. It will be permanent because 
the Poet has breathed life into it and the 
spirit of Andrews hovers over it. If it keeps 
up the character imparted to it by its founders, 
including Andrews, it will never die. 

The second difficulty is easily answered. The 
interpretation of Christ in the Hall of Christian 
culture will bear the imprint of the Poet’s all- 
embracing soul, and therefore Christian culture, 
as it will flourish in Santiniketan, will never 
be exclusive. Much will depend upon the Christ- 
ians who might be attracted to Santiniketan. A 
more careful wording in defining the scope of 
the Hall of Christian culture was not possible, 
was not intended. I suggest to my correspondent 
that such matters are better left in a liquid 
state. Who shall say what the future has in 
store for any of the big things of the world ? 

The third difficulty is also easily disposed of. 
It had occurred even to me, but I felt that it 
would not be right to create a new trust for 
the memorial funds. The names of the present 
trustees arc given in the appeal. If they are good 
enough to be made responsible for the manage- 
ment of the vast international Estate, called 
Santiniketan and Sriniketan, they might well be 
entrusted with the additional responsibility of 
dealing with the funds that may be collected 
for the memorial. 

Finally I may mention that the response hither- 
to made through the memorial appeal has been 
very poor. I know that the organisation of the 
fund rests principally upon my shoulders. I have 
done nothing in the hope that Deenabandhu’s 
solid work for submerged humanity would need 
no organised effort, and that it would evoke 
spontaneous response. I have not yet lost that 
hope. I publish the meagre list of donations 
hitherto received. The reader will notice, as I 
have noticed, that as yet there is no collection 
from the student world nor any coppers from 
the labour world. 

Sevagram, 27 8 ‘10 

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The joint meeting of the A. 1. S. A. and the 
Gandhi Seva Sangh that was held last June discussed 
several questions relating to a wider understand- 
ing of the economics of khadi. At one sitting 
Gandhiji spoke at length about the non-violent 
aspect of the development of handicrafts. ‘‘As,” 
he said, “ a non-violent man’s actions will all 
be coloured by non-violence, his occupational 
activity will necessarily be non-violent. Strictly 
speaking, no activity and no industry is possible 
without a certain amount of violence, no matter 
how little. Even the very process of living is 
impossible without a certain amount of vio- 
lence. What we have to do is to minimise it 
to the greatest extent possible. Indeed the very 
word non-violence, a negative word, means that 
it is an effort to abandon the violence that is 
inevitable in life. Therefore whoever believes 
in ahimsa will engage himself in occupations 
that involve the least possible violence. Thus, 
for instance, one cannot conceive of a man be- 
lieving in non-violence carrying on the occupa- 
tion of a butcher. Not that a meat-eater cannot 
be non-violent — there are many among meat- 
eaters who are better observers of non-violence 
than those who abstain from meat, e. g. Deena- 
bandhu Andrews — but even a meat-eater 
believing in non-violence will not go in for 
shikar, and he will not engage in war or war 
preparations. Thus there are many activities 
and occupations which necessarily ' involve 
violence and must be eschewed by a non- 
violent man. But there is agriculture without 
which life is impossible, and which does involve 
a certain amount of violence. The determining 
factor therefore is — is the occupation founded on 
violence? But since all activity involves some 
measure of violence, all we have to do is to 
minimise the violence involved in it. This is 
not possible without a heart-belief in non- 
violence. Suppose there is a man who docs 
no actual violence, who labours for his bread, 
but who is always consumed with envy at 
other people’s wealth or prosperity. He is not 
non-violent. A non-violent occupation is thus that 
occupation which is fundamentally free from 
violence and which involves no exploitation or 
envy of others. 

“Now I have no historical proof, but I believe 
that there was a time in India when village 
economics were organised on the basis of such 
non-violent occupations, not on the basis of the 
rights of man but on the duties of man. Those 
who engaged themselves in such occupations did 
earn their living, but their labour contributed 
to the good of the community. A carpenter, 
for instance, ministered to the needs of the 
village farmer. He got no cash payment but was 
paid in kind by the villagers. There could be 
injustice even in this system, but it would be 
reduced to a minimum. I speak from personal 
knowledge of tho 



[ September l, 1940 


{By M* K. Gandhi ) 

A correspondent writes: 

“You say non-violence is for the brave, not for 
cowards. But, in my opinion, in India the brave are 
conspicuous by their absence. Even if we claim to be 
brave, how is the 'world to believe us when it knows 
that India has no arms and is therefore incapable 
of defending herself? What then should we do to 
cultivate non-violence of the brave?” 

The correspondent is wrong in thinking that 
in India the brave are conspicuous by their 
absence. It is a matter for shame that because 
foreigners once labelled us as cowards we should 
accept the label. Man often becomes what he 
believes himself to be. If I keep on saying to 
myself that I cannot do a certain thing, it is 
possible that I may end by really becoming 
incapable of doing it. On the contrary, if I 
have the belief that I can do it, I shall surely 
acquire the capacity to do it even if I may not 
have it at the beginning. Again it is wrong 
to say that the world today believes us to be 
cowards. It has ceased to think so since the 
satyagraha campaign. The Congress prestige has 
risen very high in the West diuring the past 
twenty years. The world is watching with 
astonished interest the fact that although we 
have no arms we are hoping to win Swaraj, 
and have indeed come very near it. Moreover, 
it sees in our non-violent movement rays of 
hope for peace in the world and its salvation 
from the hell of carnage. The bulk of mankind 
has come to believe that, if ever the spirit of 
revenge is to vanish and bloody wars are to 
cease, the happy event can happen only through 
the policy of non-violence adopted by the 
Congress. The correspondent’s fear and suspicion 
are, therefore, unfounded. 

It will now be seen that the fact that India 
is unarmed is no obstacle in the path of ahimsa. 
The forcible disarmament of India by the British 
Government was indeed a grave wrong and a 
cruel injustice. But we can turn even injustice 
to our advantage if God be with us, or if 
you prefer, we have the skill to do so. And 
such a thing has happened in India. 

Arms are surely unnecessary for a training in 
ahimsa. In fact the arms, if any, have to be 
thrown away, as the Khansaheb did in the 
Frontier Province. Those who hold that it is 
essential to learn violence before we can learn 
non-violence, would hold that only sinners can 
be saints. 

Just as one must learn the art of killing in 
the training for violence, so one must learn the 
art of dying in the training for non-violence. 

Violence does not mean emancipation from fear 
but discovering the means of combating the 
cause of fear. Non-violence, on the other hand, 
has no cause for fear. The votary of non- 
violence has to cultivate the capacity for sacrifice 
of the highest type in order to be free from 
fear. He recks not if he should lose his land, 
his wealth, his life. He who has not overcome 
all fear cannot practise ahimsa to perfection. The 
votary of ahimsa has only one fear, that is of 
God. He who seeks refuge in God ought to 
have a glimpse of the Atman that transcends the 
body; and the moment one has a glimpse of the 
Imperishable Atman one sheds the love of the 
perishable body. Training in non-violence is thus 
diametrically opposed to training in violence. 
Violence is needed for the protection of things 
external, non-violence is needed for the protec- 
tion of the Atman, for the protection of one’s 

This non-violence cannot be learnt by staying 
at home. It needs enterprise. In order to test 
ourselves we should learn to dare danger and 
death, mortify the flesh and acquire the capacity 
to endure all manner of hardships. He who 
trembles or takes to his heels the moment he 
sees two people fighting is not non-violent, but 
a coward. A non-violent person will lay down 
his life in preventing such quarrels. The bravery 
of the non-violent is vastly superior to that of 
the violent. The badge of the violent is his 
weapon — spear, or sword, or rifle. God is the 
shield of the non-violent. 

This is not a course of training for one in- 
tending to learn non-violence. But it is easy to 
evolve one from the principles I have laid down. 

It will be evident from the foregoing that 
there is no comparison between the two types 
of bravery. The one is limited, the other is 
limitless. There is no such thing as out-daring 
or out-fighting non-violence. Non-violence is 
invincible. There need be no doubt that this 
non-violence can be achieved. The history of 
the past twenty years should be enough to 
reassure us. 

Sevagram, 27-8-40 

( Translated from Gujarati ) 


{By M. K- Gandhi) 

A. L S. A, Employees 

Q. The Secretary of the Bhiwani Congress 
committee asks : Is there a ban on A. 1. S- A. 
employees as far as signing the satyagraha pledge 
is concerned? They fulfil all the conditions of 
the pledge, but they may not offer themselves 
for jail without the permission of the A. L S. A., 
and therefore they cannot sign the form. Is it 
then permissible for them to retain their 
membership of Congress executive committees, 
or should they resign from them? 

A. Your interpretation of the rule of the 
A. I. S. A. is correct. No one can work in 
two spheres at the same time. The work of 
the A. I. S. A. too is Congress work. None 

September 1, 1940 ] HAEIJAN 

.of its employees can be allowed to court 
imprisonment. His absence must harm khadi. 
Therefore, granted that the rule is necessary, it 
is plain that no A. I. S. A. employee may remain 
, a member of a Congress committee. The entire 
* committee may be arrested, or if the com- 
mittee so desires, it can order any of its 
members to court imprisonment. 

( Translated from Hindustani ) 

Uncertified Khadi 

Q. The Secretary also asks: Members of Con- 
gress local executive committees sometimes sell 
uncertified khadi. They give the same wages to 
spinners and weavers as the A. I. S. A. Only 
their khadi is not certified. According to Con- 
. gress rules are they entitled to remain on 
Congress committees or should they resign from 
. them ? 

A. In my opinion they are not entitled to 
membership of Congress committees. The official 
.answer must be officially secured. If it is correct 
that they give the same wages to spinners and 
weavers, why do they not get the necessary 
■ certificate from the A. I. S. A. ? 

( Translated from Hindustani ) 

How to Convert Atheists 

Q. How can one convert atheists to belief 
in God and religion? 

A. There is only one way. The true servant 
-of God can convert the atheist by means of his 
- own purity and good conduct. It can never be 
done by argument. Innumerable books have been 
written to prove the existence of God, and if 
.argument could have prevailed, there would not 
be a single atheist in the world today. But the 
opposite is the case. In spite of all the literature 
on the subject, atheism is on the increase. Often, 
however, the man who calls himself an atheist 
is not one in reality; and the converse also is 
•equally true. Atheists sometimes say, “If you 
.are believers, then we are unbelievers.” And they 
have a right to say so, for self-styled believers 
.are often not so in reality. Many worship God 
because it is the fashion to do so or in order 
to deceive the world. How can such persons 
have any influence on atheists ? Therefore let 
the believer realise and have the faith that, if 
he is true to God, his neighbours will instinct- 
ively not be atheists. Do not let him be 
troubled about the whole world. Let us 
.remember that atheists exist by the sufferance 
<of God, How truly has it been said that those 
who worship God in name only are not believers 
but those who do His will! 

( Translated from Hindustani ) 

Living Wage 

Q. You once wrote in Harijan to the effect 
that villagers are at liberty to buy yarn spun 
in their own villages without reference to the 
living wage, and that the A. 1. S. A. should 
let them go their way in this matter. Are 
those who wear khadi woven from such yarn 
eligible as Congress delegates ? And what is the 
village worker to do in this regard ? He natur- 

ally does propaganda in favour of a living 
wage. There are always a certain number of 
villagers who buy A. I. S. A. khadi, but at the 
same time there are many who cannot afford to 
do so. And even if they pay less than the 
living wage, there is no doubt that the spinners 
get some relief and khadi finds a certain place 
in village life too. Is the village worker there 
to encourage such khadi ? 

A. If we were always careful enough not to 
read into a writer’s sentences a meaning which 
defeats his very purpose, such questions would 
rarely arise. Where no wages are paid and the 
yarn is self-spun, no ban of any kind can be 
applied. It is of course assumed that the 
A. I. S. A. rule is not broken on a false plea of 
self-sufficiency. The same applies to the village 

But there is one important issue raised in 
your questions. The A. L S. A. worker in a 
particular village cannot pay a living wage if 
he is to use the village khadi. Therefore he 
will buy yarn at a lesser rate and give some 
work to the spinners who would otherwise get 
nothing. But he may not become a member of 
the Congress. He will serve the Congress from 
without. Sometimes such persons serve the Con- 
gress far better, and they are moreover saved 
from the ambitions that membership often 
carries with it. It is clear that such khadi 
cannot be sold outside the village. It should 
all be absorbed locally. The moment uncertified 
khadi is put into the market the A. 1. S. A. 
law is broken and real khadi receives a setback. 
The A. I. S. A. is labouring under great stress 
in trying to raise the spinners’ wages. Never 
in the world have I heard of wages being 
increased from one or two pice to 8 or 12 
pice per day without the wage-earners having 
asked for a rise in pay. The A. 1. S. A. has 
done monumental work in this matter. 

(Translated from Hindustani^ 

Will It Fail ? . 

Q. You say that the Congress is not cent 
per cent non-violent today. If that is so, will 
not ’a satyagraha movement launched by it be 
unsuccessful ? 

A. It is not possible for a large popular 
organisation like the Congress to be wholly non- 
violent, for the simple reason that all its members 
cannot have attained a standard level of non- 
violence. But it is perfectly possible for some 
of its members, who truly understand the impli- 
cations of pure ahimsa and observe its law in 
their lives, to lead a successful satyagraha move- 
ment. This truth has even been demonstrated 
so far by the Congress. 

Sevagram, 27-8-40 ( Translated from Gujarati). 

Mahatma Gandhi 

By S. Radhakrishnan. (New Edition) Rs. 5-10-0 
Postage 8 As, Available at Harijan office-Poona 4. 

Empire or Democracy ? by L. Barnes. 

Price Rs. 5-10 + Postage 4 Annas. 



[ September 1, 1940 


( By M, K. Gandhi ) 

A friend, who is himself trying to collect 
for the Andrews Memorial, has written a letter 
from which I take the following relevant 
paragraphs : 

As I read it there are four objects of the appeal 
(you will kindly correct me, if I am wrong): 

(i) Ensuring the permanence of the present establi- 
shed work by an endowment to enable Santinikelan 
to fulfil Andrews’ high hopes for it, unhampered 
by the constant financial anxiety with which it is 
now burdened. 

This is obviously the first need, for it would be 
doubtful w^isdoin to add new developments to an 
institution which itself is insecure. At the same time 
the amount required for this purpose is nowhere 

If there is a sufficiently generous response to the 
appeal, providing more than is required for this first 
need, then it will be possible to go on to the other 
three parts of the scheme, viz. 

f ii ) A small but properly equipped hospital ; 

{ iii ) The provision of * Deenabandhu wells ’ in the 
district ; 

{ iv ) The provision of the Hall of Christian culture. 

Now, if I am right in this, it must surely occur 
to the reader of the appeal that, if, as seems likely, 
the institution requires a considerable sum for its 
endowment fund, the chances that any contributions 
made now will actually be available for either of the 
second, third or fourth part of the scheme are some- 
what remote. It' is not stated whether contributors 
are allow'ed to earmark tlieir gifts for any of the 
special objects in the scheme; and obviously, if a 
large proportion of contributors did so, the primary 
object of the appeal — the placing of Santiniketan 
on a sound basis financially — may be defeated. 

My second difficulty was about the statement of 
the aims, and I had in view particularly those of 
the proposed hall of Christian culture, in which I am 
naturally interested. 

That is first described as providing for India’s 
thought contact with the Western world, on the 

analogy of the ‘Cheena Bhavan’ and China. This 
suggests a doubtful identification of ‘Christian culture’ 
and ‘Western culture.’ 

The statement then goes on to speak of ( a ) the 
application of the teaching and character of Christ to 
international problems, and (b) the task of interpret- 
ing in Eastern modes of thought the spirit and 

mind of Christ. 

What we have, therefore, seems to be three rather 
different aims, all very important and relevant. 
Perhaps it may be necessary to leave it in this 
rather wide form; and yet I cannot help thinking 
that a more careful wording might make clear the 
relation of the other two aspects of the aim to that 
which is described as the ‘central purpose’. 

Thirdly, I raised the question of trustees and a 
sound basis for confidence in the future running of 

the scheme. If I understand your letter rightly, the 

trustees of this special fund are to be the trustees 
Santiniketan and Sriniketan, mentioned at the end 

of the appeal. The appeal itself does not seem tc 
make this clear. 

Does this imply that the disposal and allocation of 
the special fund raised is directly in the hands of 
these trustees of Santiniketan, so that, in effect, the 
fund becomes an additional part of the corpus of 
the Trust ? 

It seemed to me that for a scheme of the import 
tance and magnitude of that contemplated in the 
appeal there would be a place for some special 
committee or body of trustees related a little more 
definitely both to the special objects and to the 
wider interests to which the appeal will extend. ” 

The enquiry is pertinent and deserves a proper 
answer. As I happen to be one of the signa- 
tories to the appeal for funds, what I write may 
be taken as authoritative. The present trustees 
have made a rough calculation of the expenses 
in connection with the three definite additions 
to Santiniketan. After providing for them, a 
surplus is expected to be available which will 
go into the general funds. But naturally these 
three items will have precedence. Nevertheless 
it is open to donors to earmark their funds 
for any of the three additions, and the money 
will be so used. Therefore there need be no 
apprehension about the additions, whether dona- 
tions are earmarked or not. If I may let out 
a secret, I may say that the general appeal was 
my idea. Gurudev, who first thought of the 
memorial being identified with Santiniketan, had 
in mind only two things — the hospital and . the 
hall, the latter being the suggestion of a Christian, 
friend. Deenabandhu wells were to be built out 
of Santiniketan funds. Taking the cue from 
Gurudev, I felt there should be no hesitation 
whatsoever in identifying the whole of Santi- 
niketan with Andrews’ memory. The Poet is a 
host in himself. He has an established inter- 
national fame which will grow with time. 
Nevertheless Andrews was its best advertiser. 
Gurudev has no advertising ability. He simply 
works, wishes, and then leaves his wishes 
to fate. Not so the practical Englishman, 
He felt attracted to the Poet, and found his 
peace and permanent abode in Santiniketan. 
England was his birth-place; he never tore 
himself away from her. But his soul found its 
full expression and home in Santiniketan, and 
I know, because I was his co-worker, that he 
went literally from door to door in order to 
get funds for Santiniketan. And he would often 
say to me: ‘Never mind Santiniketan, but you 
must get so much money for me. You know 
what Santiniketan means to me and what the 
Poet means to the world.’ And I succumbed tc 
his advance whenever he made it, even though 
I could ill afford the time. His love for Santi- 
niketan was greater — I say this without any 
offence to anyone living in Santiniketan — than 
theirs. It was certainly as great as the Poet’s, 
and Santiniketan, as it is at present, is due 
as much to Andrews as to the Poet. Probably 
Andrews was the more persistent of the two. 

September l, 1940 ] HARIJAN '271 

With this knowledge at the back of Iny 
mind I had no hesitation in suggesting that the 
appeal should be general. Hence I would say 
to would-be donors that they would miss the 
central fact of the memorial if they detached the 
three additions from Santiniketan. For the three 
together would be a poor memorial to Deena- 
bandhu if Santiniketan were no more. And let 
me say at once that Santiniketan will never 
owe its permanence to the five lakhs that may 
be collected. It will be permanent because 
the Poet has breathed life into it and the 
spirit of Andrews hovers over it. If it keeps 
up the character imparted to it by its founders, 
including Andrews, it will never die. 

The second diflSculty is easily answered. The 
interpretation of Christ in the Hall of Christian 
culture will bear the imprint of the Poet’s all- 
embracing soul, and therefore Christian culture, 
as it will flourish in Santiniketan, will never 
be exclusive. Much will depend upon the Christ- 
ians who might be attracted to Santiniketan. A 
more careful wording in defining the scope of 
the Hall of Christian culture was not possible, 
was not intended. I suggest to my correspondent 
that such matters are better left in a liquid 
state. Who shall say what the future has in 
store for any of the big things of the world? 

The third difficulty is also easily disposed of. 
It had occurred even to me, but I felt that it 
would not be right to create a new trust for 
the memorial funds. The names of the present 
trustees are given in the appeal. If they are good 
enough to be made responsible for the manage- 
ment of the vast international Estate, called 
Santiniketan and Sriniketan, they might well be 
entrusted with the additional responsibility of 
dealing with the funds that may be collected 
for the memorial. 

Finally I may mention that the response hither- 
to made through the memorial appeal has been 
very poor. I know that the organisation of the 
fund rests principally upon my shoulders. I have 
done nothing in the hope that Deenabandhu s 
solid work for submerged humanity would need 
no organised effort, and that it would evoke 
■spontaneous response. I have not yet lost that 
hope. I publish the meagre list of donations 
hitherto received. The reader will notice, as I 
have noticed, that as yet there is no collection 
from the student world nor any coppers from 
the labour world. 

Sevagram, 27-8-40 

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The joint meeting of the A. 1. S. A. and the 
Gandhi Seva Sangh that was held last June discussed 
several questions relating to a wider understand- 
ing of the economics of khadi. At one sitting 
Gandhiji spoke at length about the non-violent 
aspect of the development of handicrafts. “As,” 
he said, “ a non-violent man’s actions will all 
be coloured by non-violence, his occupational 
activity will necessarily be non-violent. Strictly 
speaking, no activity and no industry is possible 
without a certain amount of violence, no matter 
how little. Even the very process of living is 
impossible without a certain amount of vio- 
lence. What we have to do is to minimise it 
to the greatest extent possible. Indeed the very 
word non-violence, a negative word, means that 
it is an effort to abandon the violence that is 
inevitable in life. Therefore whoever believes 
in ahimsa will engage himself in occupations 
that involve the least possible violence. Thus, 
for instance, one cannot conceive of a man be- 
lieving in non-violence carrying on the occupa- 
tion of a butcher. Not that a meat-eater cannot 
be non-violent — there are many among meat- 
eaters who are better observers of non-violence 
than those who abstain from meat, e. g. Deena- 
bandhu Andrews — but even a meat-eater 
believing in non-violence will not go in for 
shikar, and he will not engage in war or war 
preparations. Thus there are many activities 
and occupations which necessarily involve 
violence and must be eschewed by a non- 
violent man. But there is agriculture without 
which life is impossible, and which does involve 
a certain amount of violence. The determining 
factor therefore is — is the occupation founded on 
violence ? But since all activity involves some 
measure of violence, all we have to do is to 
minimise the violence involved in it. This is 
not possible without a heart-belief in non- 
violence. Suppose there is a man who does 
no actual violence, who labours for his bread, 
but who is always consumed with envy at 
other people’s wealth or prosperity. He is not 
non-violent. A non-violent occupation is thus that 
occupation which is fundamentally free from 
violence and which involves no exploitation or 
envy of others. 

“ Now I have no historical proof, but I believe 
that there was a time in India when village 
economics were organised on the basis of such 
non-violent occupations, not on the basis of the 
rights of man but on the duties of man. Those 
who engaged themselves in such occupations did 
earn their living, but their labour contributed 
to the good of the community, A carpenter, 
for instance, ministered to the needs of the 
village farmer. He got no cash payment but was 
paid in kind by the villagers. There could be 
injustice even in this system, but it would be 
reduced to a minimum. I speak from personal 
knowledge of the life in Kathiawad of over 



[ September l, 1940 

people’s eyes, and more life in their limbs, than 
you find today. It was a life founded on 
unconscious ahimsa. 

“ Body labour was at the core of these occu- 
pations and industries, and there was no large 
scale machinery. For when a man is content to 
own only so much land as he can till with his 
own labour, he cannot exploit others. Handicrafts 
exclude exploitation and slavery. Large scale 
machinery concentrates wealth in the hands of 
one man who lords it over the rest who slave 
for him. For he may be trying to create ideal 
conditions for his workmen, but it is none the 
less exploitation which is a form of violence. 

When I say that there was a time when 
society was based not on exploitation but on 
justice, I mean to suggest that truth and ahimsa 
were not virtues confined to individuals but 
were practised by communities. To me virtue 
ceases to have any value if it is cloistered 
or possible only for individuals.’' 

Sevagram, 26-8-40 M. D. 



The position of Congressmen in Sindh is by 
no means enviable. They have a most diflicult 
time before them. Their non-violence, if they 
have it in them, has not benefited those who 
live in fear of their lives. It is true that no 
one else has helped them. I warned them at 
the very outset that they must learn the art 
of helping themselves as others do, or by non- 
violence as Congressmen are supposed or expect- 
ed to do. In some places they ate organising 
national guards. Those who do, look up to 
Congressmen for help and guidance. For the 
latter have been their helpers and guides hither- 
to. Some Congressmen feel that without any 
intention themselves of taking up arms they 
can put courage into the people, if they train 
them in the art of self-defence whether with or 
without arms. The question has attained impor- 
tance and demands immediate answer in view 
of the unequivocal resolution of the A. I, C. C. 
recently held at Poona. I am quite clear that 
no Congressman, so long as he is even a four 
anna member of the Congress, can take part 
in organising or aiding self-defence groups with- 
out committing a breach of the Poona resolu- 
tion. But I am equally clear that it is the duty 
of those Congressmen who feel the need for 
helping self-defence groups and have the capa- 
city for doing so, to, go to the rescue of the 
terror-stricken men. This they can do by 
resigning their membership of the Congress. By 
doing so they will enhaiKe the prestige of the 
Congress and their own usefulness. The fact 
that they feel the call to . help is the decisive 
factor in determining their course of action. 

Peaceful Methods? 

A correspondent sends a leaflet published by- 
the Madras Provincial War Committee and: 
printed at the Government Press, which enu- 
merates the seven “great ideals” for which 
“war is being waged” today by England. The 
second of the ideals runs thus : 

“The ideals for which England is fighting are the* 
ideals of India. Our philosophy of life, our traditions 
of domestic and international policy have had: 

Peace for its ideal — as exemplified in the teaching 
of the Lord Buddha and Mahatma Gandhi. 

Peaceful methods and tolerance — as the means of 
political progress and international relations, as 
symbolised by the policy of India’s ideal king Asoka. 

In fighting with England we shall be fighting for 
what we hold most precious in our own national- 

My correspondent says these leaflets are issued 
in the provincial languages and are widely dis- 
tributed among the villagers. I suggest to the- 
Madras War Committee that they remove clause 
2 altogether as being untrue. For my ideal as put 
before the British people is well known. If Lord 
Buddha was on earth in the body at this- 
moment, such a war would be impossible. It* 
is a travesty of truth to call English methods, 
methods of peace. Asoka's is perhaps the only 
instance of a great king having voluntarily aban- 
doned war and adopted peaceful methods. 

It is no reflection on the British people that 
they do not accept my advice or follow Asoka’S' 
way. These things cannot be done mechanically. 
But it is not right to give them the credit* 
they do not deserve or want. Well may the 
British people who read the leaflet say: ‘Save, 
us from our friends. ’ 

Sevagram, 28-8-40 M, K. G. 


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My Idea or a Police Force... 

M. K. Gandhi 265 

An Interesting Discourse-II 

M. D. 


Andrews Memorial Fund ... 


Non-violence of the Brave 

M. K. Gandhi 


Question Box 

M. K. Gandhi 


Andrews Memorial 

M. K. Gandhi 


Non-violent Crafts 

Notes ; 

M, D. 



M. K. G, 


Peaceful Methods? 

M. K. G. 


Printed and Published hy Vithal -Hari B^ve at the Aryabhushan Press, 915/1 Fergusson College Road, Poona 4. 

Reg. No. B. 3092 






A Merchant's Story 

If we once make up our minds to examine 
ourselves at every step, we shall find that we 
frequently infringe the law of ahimsa, and that 
we should be ever so much happier if we 
were vigilant. The need for the soft answer that 
tumeth away wrath arises every moment, but 
we scarcely realise it. Just a little exercise of 
silence, and you well may quench the wrath 
that a retort would surely have provoked, I 
have an annoying letter. I feel like replying to 
it sharply, but I sit silent over it for a couple 
of days and don’t feel like replying to it at all. 
That saves me from an unending series of darts 
and counter-darts. 

A merchant, who does not claim to be a 
“ satyagrahi ” or to have been a jail-goer, but 
who reads Harijanbandhu carefully, narrates a 
little incident in his life which has a lesson for 
every one of us. I summarisi? his Gujarati letter. 

One morning,’* he says, “ my younger brother, 
who was a stranger to my place, came from the 
station in a tonga. On asking him what hire 
was to be paid to the tongawalla, he said he 
had agreed to pay 14 annas. I was considerably 
irritated and said to the tongawalla: ‘That is 
how you would deceive strangers. Eight annas 
is the usual hire, and I am not going to give 
you a pice more.’ But the tongawalla said ; 

‘ That is not my concern. The fact is that he 
agreed to pay fourteen annas.’ It made me more 
angry. There was plenty of altercation, and at 
last I offered to pay him ten annas which was 
the* hire fixed by the Municipality. But the 
man refused to budge. I then threatened to 
take him to ‘ the police station. He said : ‘ I am 
going to do nothing of the kind. I will have 
my fourteen annas and not a pie less. Why do 
you fling the schedule of rates in my face ? 
Supposing I agree to accept six annas to drive 
you to the station, and at the station insist on 
the scheduled ten annas, would you give it to 
me? Would it be proper for me to insist on 
accepting nothing less than the scheduled rate?’ 
That was an argument to which there was no 
reply. But anger had blinded me, and I was 
hurt that a mere tongawalla could get the 
better of me in an argument. 

“My younger brother now intervened and 
said the tongawalla was entitled by rights to 
fourteen annas and it was no use my talking 
of the schedule. But anger had taken full. 

possession of me. I asked my brother to keep 
quiet. But if I was ready to waste time over 
a false sense of right, the tongawalla was not. 
After about an hour’s hot altercation he accepted 
ten annas and left cursing and swearing at me, 

“But my brother was far from happy over the 
incident. When he found- that I had regained 
my calm, he reverted to the subject, and asked 
me why I had failed to appreciate the most 
convincing argument of the tongawalla. Sense 
had now come back to me, and I was sorry to 
have given myself to the devil in sheer pride 
and a false notion of superiority. I decided to 
find out the tongawalla and to pay him his 
four annas. For some days I hunted for him 
in vain. One day at last I found him and asked 
him to come to my shop. He hesitated, lest 
I should scold him for that day’s conduct. But 
I told him that I wanted to make amends for 
my own stupid behaviour. I paid him his four 
annas and apologised to him. His surprise knew 
no boxmds. He accepted the four annas with 
some reluctance and left in grateful joy. A sort 
of remorse had been gnawing into my mind all 
these days, and I was now at peace with myself. 
That day I had been guilty of grave himsa. 
There was not only the disinclination to do the 
right thing, there was contempt in my mind 
for the tongawalla who, I thought, was lower in 
the social scale than I. I was thoroughly ashamed 
of myself, and am hoping that God may rid me 
of any sense of high and low that may still be 
left in me.” 

A Personal Incident 

And here with some apology I propose to 
revive an incident that happened in my own 
life in the satyagraha days of 1930, Readers of 
Young India may know the story as told by 
Miraben, but I shall give it again in my own 
words. I was on the crest of a wave of 
popularity, having been ‘dictator’ for about a 
month, and crowds followed the prison-van in 
which I was being taken to the prison after 
my conviction. Some of them wanted to load 
me with garlands, but the English sergeant on 
the back of the van would not stop. I was 
appealing to the crowds to go back, but they 
chased the car, and when they found that it 
was a futile chase they flung a stone at the 
sergeant. It hit him right on the chin and 
gave him a nasty cut. “ Ah, ” he exclaimed in 
agony, catching, the stone as it fell from his 
face. “See what your wretched people do ! If 



[ March 9, 1940 

self-sacrificing men and women, why then is 
there disruption in Bengal? It is a puzzle of 
which the solution is as difficult as it is 
obvious. Therefore Gandhiji said to the workers, 
■“ All incompatible mixtures are bound to ex- 
plode. You must resolve to act on the square, 
and whilst you should be prepared to compromise 
on non-essentials you should never be in the 
imcomfortable position of having to compromise 
truth. You should retire from all such positions. 
That is the essence of compromise. Let service 
without near or distant objective be your motto. 
You are surrounded by poverty on all sides. 
Serve those that are afflicted whether they are 
Muslims, Namasudras or others. Satyagraha trans- 
cends parties, and divisions of class and creed. 
It should permeate the whole of our being and 
society. There is no question before you of 
enlisting members for the G)ngress. Give up 
aU thought of gaining members for the sake of 
swelling your register. That is power politics. 
I would rather have 'no register than blacken 
it with bogus members. If you will thus become 
silent workers, even one of you will lead the 
Congress in the province without being in it. 

“ I hope you will not now say, ‘ What will 
happen if the Congress is captured by the 
opponents ? ’ You know the Upanishad precept 
— ^Enjoy by means of renunciation. 
Give up the Congress in order to ‘ enjoy ’ 
■or have it. The moment I set my heart on 
-some kind of capturing I am done for. No 
manoeuvring to keep your hold on the 

Congress, no descending from the right path, 
and you will disarm all opposition. A bogus 
Congress register can never lead you to Swaraj 
any more than a paper boat can help you to 
sail across the Padma." - 

The Corollaiy 

What he said immediately hereafter to the 
larger meeting of workers was a kind of coro- 
llary to the principle enunciated in the fore- 
going. If I mistake not, about a furlong away 
was being heard the slogan ‘ Down with Gandhism’. 
'“Let us understand,” he said, “that there is a 
kcind of poison in the atmosphere. How are 
we to fight it? Whether the number of those 
who shout these slogans is 50 or 500, we may 
not ignore them. We must try to discover their 
grievance. We may not treat them with 
contempt, if we are believers in ahimsa. No 
M’gumentum ad kominum will do. It is no 
answer to say that they ate mercenaries, for 
you may be sure that not any and every one 
who is offered a train fare and a wage would 
consent to come here. They must to an extent 
believe in their mission. And at the back of 
their mind is the feeling that * Gandhism ’ is 
out to destroy what they hold dear. If that is 
the case, they may well desire the destruction 
of Gandhism. When we see the thing in this 
light we can afford to keep our temper. We 
will then try to meet and plead with them 
and assure them tliat we do not desire to 

obstruct their work. I do not say that you will 
immediately win them over, but you will 
certainly check the spread of the poison. 
Retaliation is counter poison, and poison breeds 
more poisons. The nectar of love alone can 
destroy the poison of hate. 

“Therefore let not the cries anger you. Let 
none of you think of drowning those cries in 
the cry of ‘Mahatma Gandhi ki Jai’. You have 
done well in not shouting counter slogans. You 
have thereby sterilised theirs, and very little 
mischief has been done. If the forbearance is based 
on ahimsa, I am sure they will ultimately be still. 

“It is a delusion to think that it is necessary 
to be members of the Congress in order to 
serve it. There are numerous people outside the 
Congress who are serving it better than those 
who are in it. Therefore I have told you that 
he who takes up the charkha with a knowledge 
of its implications serves the Congress cause 
better than Congressmen. I was glad to be told 
that all of you have pledged yourselves to spin 
at least 60,CX)0 yards a year. If, however, there 
is the slightest hcsitance on your part, I would 
ask you not to take the pledge but try to do 
your quota without taking it. 

“There is, however, a flaw in self-spinning 
to which I should like to draw your attention. 
You will of course spin to make your own cloth, 
but you will to that extent deprive the poor 
spinners. The wheel is meant for them. But 
though there is this flaw in it I am asking 
you all to spin in order to universalise spinning. 
Those of you who are too poor to purchase 
khadi will of course card and spin for your- 
selves. But such of you as can afford to buy 
your khadi will send the 60,000 yards to the 
Spinners' Association, which will thus be able 
to reduce the price of khadi in its stock by 
adding to it the gift of your yarn. That will 
enable poor people, who can neither spin for 
themselves nor purchase khadi today, to buy the 
khadi thus made cheaper for them. This is 
what I call a voluntary labour tax. In Europe 
there is compulsory military service. Let us 
have compulsory non-military service here. All 
that you do, you will do intelligently, of your 
free will, and out of a spirit of service. 

“ Along with khadi are the other cottage 
industries, Harijan service, and other items of 
constructive work, which, if solidly done, will 
create the strength that political work, so called, 
cannot. That may preclude t.he necessity for 
civil disobedience and will automatically end 
the Hindu-Muslim tension, abolish untouchability, 
abolish the squabbles between the “ leftists ” and 
the * rightists ', and break the chains of slavery. 
This to my mind is rashtra dharma par excellence." 

Women’s Work 

I have already mentioned the women workers. 
Those from Dacca district presented to Gandhiji 
100,000 yards of yarn, those from Noakhali 10,000, 
from Sylhet 13,000, and from Malda 1,000. Notable 
among these were Shrimatis Lavanyalata Sen 

Maech 9, 1940 3 



and Ashalata Sen who have been workers in the 
cause for years, Shrimati Bidhumukhi Some, aged 
70, wears clothes of her own yarn and gave to 
Kasturba a sari woven out of her own yarn. One 
of the sisters presented to Gandhiji an image of 
the Motherland carved in a block of wood. She 
is the daughter of a Vishwakarma and inherits 
the art from her father. Another sister, whose 
name too I forget, presented to Gandhiji a 
beautiful leather case with the picture of Bharat- 
mata brought out in relief on it. She is a 
student of Shri Nandalal Bose. With workers 
such as these, work in Bengal should be easier 
than in any other province. Gandhiji asked them 
to take up what was specially women’s work : 

"Menfolk have taken to spinning, but let me 
confess that the art comes more naturally to 
you than to them. One of the reasons is that 
men have many other avenues of employment. 
And if Swaraj has to come through the charkba, 
your share in the fight for freedom is going to 
be greater. Again if Swaraj has to come through 
non-violence, then too your place in the fight 
will be in the forefront, for Nature has given 
you a greater capacity for suffering than she has 
to men. In order also to wipe out the reproach 
of inferiority and subjection that man has imposed 
on woman, you will take your privileged part 
in the fight and prove to the world that you 
are better fighters for freedom than men." 

There were thousands of women in the 
mammoth meeting held on the 25th for the 
presentation of the purse. Gandhiji repeated the 
same sentiments before them. 

The Sangh Lives 

As I said in my last article the Sangh has 
changed, but the Sangh cannot die, and, as 
Gandhiji has effectively shown in his article 
on the Sangh, it has to live more purely and 
nobly than ever before. It was about to be 
the victim of the faults and flaws that over- 
take all organisations when they grow unwieldy, 
especially those with a spiritual object. Shorn 
of its size the Sangh, especially its conscien- 
tious president, is free from the responsibility 
of watching the conduct of its multitude of 
members. Such of those as have accepted its 
ideals will continue to do so even now, and 
their spiritual bond, as between one another 
and with Kishorelalbhai, can never be broken. 
They will still seek and get his advice, and 
they will without calling themselves members of 
the Sangh spread the fragrance of their gospel 
in an unobtrusive way. The committee will 
address itself to the special work of research 
with more freedom from administrative burdens. 
The work of research lies both in t hinkin g and 
working out the potency of the wheel as a 
symbol ‘of non-violence and as an instrument of 
rearing in the country a handicraft civilisation 
on firm and solid foundations, and in getting in 
touch with workers along that line. They will 
examine all the criticism that is levelled against 
-the cult of the charkha with a dispassionate 

mind, get in touch with the critics, and try to 
benefit by whatever may be true in what they say. 

As for the concrete activity of the Sangh, it 
will continue as before. Thus the Ashram at 
Tiruchengodu with' its khadi depot and several 
thousand spinners, its free dispensary, hospital, 
Harijan school and bee-keeping; the Utkal centre 
with its work in ten villages ; the Goseva Char- 
malya ( non-violent tannery ) at Nalwadi ( which 
tanned last year nearly 4,000 skins of dead 
animals, sold Rs. 14,000 worth of tanned leather, 
and Rs. 18,000 worth of manufactured goods) 
— all these activities will go on without being 
affected by the altered form of the Sangh. 

An Appeal 

Friends have drawn my attention to the fact 
that, whilst I mentioned the acts of goondaism 
at Malikanda and the hostile slogans, I had 
said nothing about the assaults on two students 
of Ripon College on the evening of our depar- 
ture for Malikanda. Shri Manoranjanbabu of 
Noakhali visited the young men and found 
that they had received injuries, they also , said 
that they had been assaulted by a vounteer 
in khadi who was shouting ‘Sardar Patel ki Jai’. 
When I wrote my article for the last week’s 
Harijan I knew nothing about these cases. I am 
grieved, as I know Gandhiji and the Sardar would 
be both deeply grieved, for those who with their 
names on their lips assaulted anyone, no matter 
who he was, whether he carried a black flag or 
shouted hostile or insulting slogans. If Gandhiji’s 
voice could reach all the people who take part 
in demonstrations of this character, he would ask 
them not to go to stations or similar places and, 
if they go there, to observe absolute quiet , and 
discipline, no matter how much the provocation 
by word or deed. ‘The cry ‘ Mahatma Gandhi ki 
Jai’ when it is without reason is positively un- 
pleasant and hurtful and often so unbearable as 
to make him stuff his ears, and when combined 
with an unbecoming deed, it is an insult to him. 

Having said this, may I say that those who 
are responsible for leading the youths of Bengal 
are doing no service to them if they encourage 
slogans and indiscipline? May I mention the fact 
that Gandhiji and the Sardar are the recipients 
of letters couched in unprintable language, from 
those who sign themselves “youths of Bengal”. 
Pamphlets which were unworthy of anyone 
who professess to serve and love the mother- 
land were distributed, and a well-known lady 
worker showed me a letter addressed to her 
which contained threats to her and abuse of the 
leaders in unprintable language, for no other fault 
than that she attended the Gandhi Seva Sangh. 
I would like to know whom these youths served 
by their slogans. They certainly did not serve 
themselves nor did they serve the thousands of 
villagers who stood near the fence in Malikanda 
in exemplary silence every day for Gandhiji’s 
darshan. These are still untouched by violence. 
Do we want them to catch the. inftctbn? 

Sevagram, 4-3-40 M. D. 



[ March 9, 1940 


Segaon Becomes Sevagram 

■ There is Segaon near Wardha where I am 
trying to be a villager. A.nd there is Shegaon, a 
station on the main line about 132 miles west 
of Wardha. The result was that many letters 
and wires meant for Segaon, Wardha, went to 
Shegaon station. In order to avoid this confusion 
an application was sent to the authorities on 
behalf of the villagers to change the name 
of Segaon to Sevagram. It is a name with a 
meaning. It means a village dedicated to service. 
The villagers who signed the application did 

so fully knowing what they were doing. Let us 
hope they will live up to the meaning of the 

name they have chosen to give to their village. 

Correspondents will please bear the change in 

- Sevagram, 5-3-40 
When The British Withdraw 

“ Unless you adopt an all-party form of govern- 
ment, you are paving the way towards sowing 

Hindu-Muslim conflict after the British protection is 
withdrawn. It was not non-violence but your tremen- 
dous magnetism plus the backing of British bayonet 
that kept the Congress in power. Try non-violence 
without the latter for two or three months, and the 
truth of the above will be realised.*’ 

Thus writes an esteemed correspondent. I have 
no diflBculty in endorsing the remark that it was 
the British bayonet that kept the Congress minis- 
tries in power. My “ magnetism ” may have had 
something to do with the victory at the polls. 
But it proved utterly useless to keep the minis- 
tries in power. The sustaining force was the 
British bayonet. This only shows that the people 
at large have not yet imbibed the lesson of 

The remedy is not an all-party government. 
Such will be no government of the people for 
the people. It will be the government of a 
-caucus for its own ends. The caucus will have 
,no smoother sailing than the Congress ministries 
had. It will also have to rely upon the British 
bayonet. There can be no manly peace in the 
land unless the British bayonet is withdrawn. 
The risk of riots has to be run. Non-violence 
will be born out of such risks, if at all it is 
to be part of national life. It is daily becoming 
crystal clear that real unity will not come so 
long as the British bayonet crushes the free 
spirit of the people. The peace it imposes is 
the peace of the grave. I feel that riots will 
be a welcome relief, if that is the price we 
have to pay for freedom. For out of them I can 
conceive the possibility of peace coming, not 
out of the present unreality. The way out of riots 
on the one hand and British bayonets on the 
other is frank acceptance of non-violence. To 
this my life is dedicated, and my faith in its 
possibility and efficacy will survive the dissolu- 
tion of my 1x)dy. 

On the train to Wardha. 3-3-40 

Clear Injustice 

The secretary of the Seng Khasi Free Morning 
School, Mawkhar, Shillong, has sent a circular 
letter to those who are concerned in matters 
educational, and has favoured me also with a 
copy. I extract the following from it : 

“ The British Government gave education grants to 
the Christian missionaries for spreading education 
among the people of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills 
District. The missionaries printed the text-books for 
schools according to their liking and choice* viz. 
History of Jesus, Abraham, Issac, Jacob and so on 
and so forth. They translated the Bible into Khasi 
language and made it a text-book for schools. You 
will find the inspecting staff for the schools of this 
District consist entirely of Christians. Fortunately 
for the Khasis, some pure Khasi gentlemen of hallow- 
ed memory took the initiative of providing national 
education for the Khasi children and started the 
Seng Khasi Free Morning School as early as 1921, 
with a view to preserving Khasi national culture. They 
wrote books containing ideas and ideals of ancient 
Khasi culture and religion. Ever since its starting 
the school has been doing its humble services 
in the line of national education. It is a 
free school and entertains children of all the poorer 
classes. The Deputy Inspector of Schools, Khasi and 
Jaintia Hills, desired us to follow the curriculum 
prescribed by his department. I agreed to accept the 
curriculum provided that those books written or 
compiled by the missionaries should not be included 
in the curriculum of the Seng Khasi School. The 
Deputy Inspector of Schools did not recommend this 
school for a grant from the Government on the 
plea that the curriculum was not followed in the 
school. The books written by the late Babu Jeebon 
Roy, Extra Assistant Commissioner, late U. Radhon 
Sing Berry and U. Sib Charan Roy are being 
taught in the Seng Khasi School. It is a matter 
of great regret that the Deputy Inspector of Schools 
compels this school to teach missionary books and 
frustrate the very object with which it was established.*’ 

If what is stated here is true, it enforces the 
argument often advanced by me that Christian 
missionary effort has been favoured by the ruling 
power. But I advertise the circular not for the 
sake of emphasising my argument. I do so in 
order to ventilate the grievance of the secretary 
of the school. Surely he has every right to 
object to teaching proselytising literature prepared 
by the missionaries. It should be remembered that 
the school has been in receipt of a grant from 
Government. It is not clear why the question 
of the missionary books has now cropped up. It 
is to be hoped ' that the school will not be 
deprived of the grant because of the secretary’s 
very reasonable objection. 

Skimmed Milk 

Prof. Warner of Allahabad Agricultural Insti- 
tute sends me a copy of a note submitted 
by him to a Municipal Board in U. P, The 
Board has passed a bye-law requiring that 
“all skimmed milk sold in the city should 
be coloured in order that at may be easily 
identified as skimmed milk, thereby prevent- 
ing its use in diluting or adulterating whole 
milk.” Prof. Warner is of opinion that this 
is a dangerous bye-law whose effect would be 
total destruction or a valuable protective food. 
He has shown in the note, I- think conclusively. 

MAEOH 9, 1940 ] 



that skimmed milk as an article of food is not 
to be despised, the only difference between 
whole milk and skimmed milk bein^ that a large 
percentage of fat is removed ^from skimmed milk 
for preparing butter, but the milk retains all 
the and all the proteins. Adulteration, there- 
fore, of whole milk with skimmed milk pro- 
duces very little effect upon its nutritive value. 
Only the percentage of fat is reduced somewhat. 
He gives figures in support of his argument 
which I need not reproduce. He does not mind 
bye-laws preventing adulteration even with skim- 
med milk. But he strongly objects, and I think 
rightly, to destroying skimmed milk by colouring 
it, and he shows that not only is a valuable 
article of diet taken away from the mouths 
of poor people, but the danger of adulteration 
of milk with water increases. And this danger 
is very real, because the greater the percentage 
of water the lower is the nutritive value of milk. 
And add to this the fact that the water itself 
may be impure. Prof. Warner draws a distinction 
between requiring the colouring of vegetable ghee 
for preventing adulteration of real ghee, and the 
colouring of skimmed milk. It is wholly neces- 
sary that vegetable ghee should be coloured 
with some innocuous dye. Coloured vegetable ghee 
will be used by the people for its cheapness. 
But as there is already prejudice against skimmed 
milk people will refuse to take coloured skimmed 
milk, even though the colouring matter may be 
utterly innocuous. I would on my own behalf 
enforce Prof. Warner’s argument by suggesting 
that municipalities will do well to popularise the 
use of skimmed milk. It can be sold very cheap 
and it is a perfectly wholesome thing both for 
the rich and the poor, and is a good sick man’s 
diet, when whole milk is rejected by the 
digestive apparatus. 

On the train to Calcutta, 16-2-40 M. K. G. 

( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

Is It Voluntary? 

Q. The local officials have been collecting 
money from the people in aid of the war fund. 
But the way in which they have been raising 
money, though it is supposed to be voluntary 
giving, seems to be practical coercion. They 
arranged for a drama, but under instructions 
from the officials the village teachers ( some of 
whom get about 12 or 15 rupees per month), 
the village .Munsiff, bazaar-keepers; all had to 
buy tickets varying in price from one to fifteen 
rupees each. A petty shop-keeper whose income 
is only about Rs. 15 had to pay Rs. 5 for a 
ticket though the man never attended the drama. 
He told me he paid the money because the 
local Sub-collector, Tahsildar,- Circle Inspector of 
Police were all there’ in person to collect the 
money. I am told Rs. 3,500 were raised in one 
night in my village. Will you advise what to do ? 

A. If what you say is true, it is naked 
coercion. There is nothing voluntary in the 
people’s action. I can only hope that the higher 

authorities do not know anything about such 
high-handed procedure. Your duty is clear. You 
must tell the people that they ought not to 
submit to coercion. They are as free to refuse to 
buy tickets as they are free to buy them. You 
and they should run the risk involved; you in 
instructing the people, and they in refusing to pay. 

A Young Man’s Dilemma 
Q. I am a young m an of 22 years. Is it 
legitimate for me to refuse to oblige my father 
in the matter of marriage if I do not wish 
to marry ? 

A. According to the shastras and also' reason, 
children when they reach the age of discretion, 
which the former prescribe as 16, become their 
parents’ friends, i. e. are free from parental dic- 
tation. They are still bound to consult them 
and defer to their wishes wherever they can. 
You are full-grown, and in a matter so vital 
as marriage you should respectfully refuse to 
marry if the match is not to your liking or 
for any other valid reason. 

A Domestic Difficulty 

Q. I am a young man of 23 years. For the 
last two years I have been using pure khadi 
only. For the last 28 days I have been spinn- 
ing regularly in my leisure time. But my wife 
refuses to wear khadi. She says it is too coarse. 
Should I compel her to use khadi? I may also 
mention that I find our temperaments are 

A. This is the common lot of life in India. 

I have often said that the husband, being the 
stronger and more educated party, has to act 
as tutor to his wife and put up with her 
defects, if any. In your case you have to bear 
the incompatibility and conquer your wife by 
love, never by compulsion. It follows that you 
cannot compel your wife to use khadi. But you 
should trust your love and example to make 
her do the right thing. Remember your wife b 
not your property any more than you are hers. 
She b your better half. Treat her as such. 
You will not regret the experiment. 

Another Domestic Difficulty 
Q. I am married. My wife is a good woman. 
We have children. We have lived together in 
peace hitherto. Unfortunately she came across 
someone whom she has adopted as her guru. 
She has received gurumantra from her, and her 
life has become a close book for me. .This has 
given rise to coolness between us. I do not 
know what I should do. Rama, as portrayed 
by Tulsidas, is my ideal hero. Should I not do 
what Rama did, and cut off all connection 
with my wife? 

A. Tulsidas has taught us that we may not 
indiscriminately imitate the great. What they 
may do with impunity we may not. Think of 
Rama’s love for Sita. Tulsidas telb us that 
before the appearance of the golden deer the 
real Sita at the behest of Rama disappeared in 
the clouds and the mere shadow remained. This 
fact was a close secret even from Lakshmana* 


The poet further tells us that Rama had a 
purpose which was divine. It was with this 
shadow of Sita that Rama dealt after the 
appearance of the golden deer on the scene. Even 
so Sita never resented any single act of Rama. 
All such data would be lacking in any mundane 
case, as they are lacking in yours. Therefore 
my advice to you would be to bear with your 
wife and not interfere with her so long as you 
have no cause of complaint against her conduct. 
If you adopted someone as your guru and had 
your gurumantra and if you did not impart the 
secret to your wife, I am sure you would not 
relish her resenting your refusal to disclose the 
secret. I admit that between husband and wife 
there should be no secrets from one another. I 
have a very high opinion of the marriage tie. 
1 hold that husband and wife merge in each 
other. They are one in two or two in one. 
But these things cannot be regulated mechani- 
cally. All things considered, therefore, since you 
are a liberal-minded husband, you should have 
no difficulty in respecting your wife’s reluctance 
to share the secret with you. 

Muslim Weavers and Mill Yam 

Q. By insisting on the use of certified khadi 
only, you have delivered a very severe blow to 
the Muslim weavers on the one hand who are 
mostly using mill yarn, and on the other to the 
consumer who is thus induced to purchase cer- 
tified khadi which is notoriously dear. I am a 
Muslim working for the uplift of the weaver 
class. I appeal to you to remove this double 
hardship by sanctioning the use of hand-woven 
mill yam khadi. 

A. There is no communalism in khadi. The 
A. I. S. A. has thousands of Muslim spinners 
and himdreds of Muslim weavers on its books. 
Khadi has as yet made little impression upon 
mill yarn weavers. What it has done is to 
provide occupation to those Hindu and Mus lim 
weavers who were thrown out of employment 
by mill competition. Those weavers who do not 
take to weaving handspun are cutting their own 
throats because the natural consequence of the 
spread of mills will be the destruction of weavers 
as it has been that of hand-spinners. The hand- 
loom weavers who have held their own are 
pattern weavers. If khadi became universal, 
Muslim and other weavers who are today 
weaving .mill yam would, as a matter of course, 
take to weaving handspun. Thus there is no 
case of khadi ever hitting a single weaver. In 
ffict it is his sole protection. 

A Ticklish Question 

Q. I am a Hindu student. I have been great 
friends with a Muslim, but we have fallen out 
over the question of idol worship. I find solace 
in idol worship, but I cannot give an answer to 
my Muslim fnend in terms of what may be 
called convincing. Will you say something on 
idol worship in Harijanl 

A. My sympathies arc both with you and 
your Muslim fnend. I suggest your reading my 

writings on the question in Young India and, if 
you feel at all satisfied, let your Muslim friend 
read them too. If your friend has real love for 
you, he will conquer his prejudice against idol 
worship. A friendship which exacts oneness of 
opinion and conduct is not worth much. Friends 
have to tolerate one another’s ways of life and 
thought even though they may be different, 
except where the difference is fundamental. May- 
be your friend has come to think that it is 
sinful to associate with you as you are an idolater. 
Idolatry is bad, not so idol worship. An idolater 
makes a fetish of his idol. An idol worshipper 
sees God even in a stone and therefore takes 
the help of an idol to establish his union with 
God. Every Hindu child knows that the stone 
in the famous temple in Benares is not Kashi 
Vishwanath. But he believes that the Lord of 
the Universe does reside specially in that stone. 
This play of the imagination is permissible and 
healthy. Every edition of the Gita on a book- 
stall has not that sanctity which I ascribe to 
my own copy. Logic tells me there is no more 
sanctity in my copy than in any another. The 
sanctity is in my imagination. But that imagi- 
nation brings about marvellous concrete results. 
It changes men's lives. I am of opinion that, 
whether we admit it or not; we are all idol 
yrorshippers or idolaters, if the distinction I have 
drawn is not allowed. A book, a building, a 
picture, a carving are surely all images in 
which God does reside, but they are not God. 
He who says they are errs. 

Educated Unemployment 

Q. The problem of unemployment among the 
educated is assuming alarming proportions. You 
of course condemn higher education, but those 
of us who have been to the University realise 
that we do develop mentally there. Why should 
you discourage anyone from learning? Would 
not a better solution be for unemployed gradu- 
ates to go in for mass education and let the 
villagers give them food in return? And could 
not Provincial Governments come to their aid 
and help them with some money and clothing? 

A. I am not against higher education. But I 
am against only a few lakhs of boys and girls 
receiving it at the expense of the poor tax-payer. 
Moreover I am against the type of higher 
education that is given. It is much cry and 
little wool. The whole system of higher educa- 
tion and for that matter all education needs 
radical overhauling. But your difficulty is about 
unemployment. In this you have • may sympathy 
and co-operation. On the principle that every 
labourer is worthy of his hire, every graduate 
who goes to a village to serve it is entitled to 
be housed, fed and clothed by the villagers. And 
they do it too. But they will not when the 
graduate lives like Sahehhg and costs them ten 
times as much as they can afford. His life 
must accord as nearly as possible with that of 
the villagers and his mission must find apprecia- 
tion among them. Sevagram, 5-3—40 

March 9, 1940 ] 




“ Love never faileth.” ( I Cor. 13-8 ) 

Prof. L. P. Jacks has somewhere pithily 
observed that there is nothing like ‘ safe conduct’ 
in morality. Prescriptive morality is a contra- 
diction in terms. Morality begins only where 
certainty ends, and a person who holds hack 
action until he has a cent per cent guarantee 
that his line of conduct is correct, will ever 
remain a stranger to moral action in the true 
sense, for there is no virtue in a morality that 
has no element of risk or adventure in it. 

What is true of prescriptive morality is truer 
still of non-violence. The practice of non-vio- 
lence presents its votaries baffling conundrums 
at every step. But if a person makes of it a 
doctrine of negation and allows it to choke his 
sp ring of action so as to make him a helpless 
witness of wrong, he stultifies himself spiritually 
and puts non-violence to shame. This was the 
kernel of Gandhiji’s remarks before a small group 
of pacifists, who led by Dr. Amiya Chakravarti 
took the opportunity to exchange notes with him 
on the subject of non-violence during his brief 
two days’ stay at Santiniketan. The group 
included a couple of Quaker friends and Shri 
Gurdial Mullick, who acted the delicate and 
difficult part of Gandhiji’s jailor and caretaker 
under Gurudev’s roof. Dr. Chakravarti is himself 
a careful student of non-violence, and the group 
he has organised is particularly interested in 
studying its technique in action. 

“ Supposing, ’’ asked one of them, “ in the 
presence of superior brute force one feels helpless, 
would he be justified in using just enough force 
to prevent the perpetration of wrong ? ” “ Yes,” 
replied Gandhiji, "but there need not be that 
feeling of helplessness if there is real non- 
violence in you. To feel helpless in the presence 
of violence is not non-violence but cowardice. 
Non-violence should not be mixed up with 

The friend adduced a specific instance. “ Suppose 
someone came and hurled insult at you, should 
you allow yourself to be thus humiliated?” 

“If you feel humiliated,” replied Gandhiji, “you 
will be justified in slapping the bully in the 
face or taking whatever action you might dooTp 
necessary to vindicate your self-respect. The 
use of force, under the circumstances, would be 
the natural consequence if you are not a coward. 
But there should be no feeling of humiliation 
in you if you have assimilated the non-violent 
spirit. Your non-violent behaviour would then 
either make the bully feel ashamed of himsplf 
and prevent the insult, or make you immune 
against it so that the insult would remain only 
in the bully’s mouth and not touch you at all.” 

The friend varied the argument. ‘‘Supposing 
there is a person with a diseased mind — a lunatic 
run amock, bent upon murder, or you arrive 
on the scene of trouble when the situation has 
already advanced too far. An infuriated mob 
has got out of hand, aiid you feel helpless, would 

you justify the use of physical force to restrain 
the lunatic in the first case, or allow the use, 
say, of tear gas in the latter ?” he asked. 

“ I will excuse it for all time,” replied Gandhiji. 
“But I would not say it is justified from the 
non-violent standpoint. I would say that there 
was not that degree of non-violence in you to 
give you confidence in purely non-violent treat- 
ment. If you had, your simple presence would 
be sufficient to pacify the lunatic. Non-violence 
carries within it its own sanction. It is not 
a mechanical thing. You do not become non- 
violent by merely saying, ‘ I shall not use 
force.’ It must be felt in the heart. There 
must be within you an upwelling of love and 
pity towards the wrong-doer. When there is 
that feeling it will express itself through some 
action. It may be a sign, a glance, even silence. 
But such as it is it will melt the heart of the 
wrong-doer and check the wrong. 

“ The use of tear gas is not justified in terms 
of the non-violent ideal. But I would defend 
its use against the whole world if I found 
myself in a comer when I could not save a 
helpless girl from violation or prevent an infuri- 
ated crowd from indulging in madness, except 
by its use. God would not excuse me if, on 
the Judgment Day, I were to plead before 
Him that I could not prevent these things from 
happening because I was held back by my creed 
of non-violence. Non-violence is self-acting, A 
fully non-violent person is by natxure incapable 
of using violence or rather has no use for it. 
His non-violence is all-sufficing under all 

“ Therefore, when I say that the use of force 
is wrong and whatever degree and under what- 
ever circumstances, I mean it in. a relative 
sense. It is much better for me to say I have 
not sufficient non-violence in me, than to admit 
exceptions to an eternal principle. Moreover my 
refusal to admit exceptions spiurs me to perfect 
myself in the technique of non-violence. I 
literally believe in Patanjali’s aphorism that 
violence ceases in the presence of non-violence.” 

“Can a State carry on strictly according to 
the principle of non-violence ? ” put in another 

“ A Government cannot succeed, ” replied 
Gandhiji, “ in becoming entirely non-violent, 
because it represents all the people. I do not 
today conceive of such a golden age. But I 
do believe in the possibility of a predominantly 
non-violent society. And I am working for it. 
A Government representing such society will 
use the least amount of force. But no Govern- 
ment worth its name can suffer anarchy to 
prevail. Hence I have said that even under a 
Government based primarily on non-violence a 
small police force will be necessary.” 

On train, 17-2-40 Pyaielal 

Mahatma Gandhi By S. Radhakrishnan. Rs. 5-10-0. 
Postage 7 As. Available at Harijan Office- Poona 4 
and 81 Queen’s Road, Bombay 2. 



[ March 9, 1940 


(.By M. K. Gandhi") 

Everybody is asking me not whether but when 
I am to call the country to civil disobedience. 
Some of my questioners are the most sober 
among co-workers. To them the Patna resolution 
has no other meaning than that the struggle’s 
coming is a question of days. It is proof 
the country, or that part of it that has hitherto 
taken part in the struggle for freedom, is tired 
of waiting and suspense. It is heartening to 
think that there are in the country so many 

persons who count no sacrifice too dear for 
gaining independence. 

While, therefore, I admire the -rpal of my 
questioners, I must warn them a gainsf being 
impatient. There is nothing in the resolution 
to warrant the belief that the atmosphere is 
suitable for declaring dvil disobedience. It will 
be suicidal to declare it when there is so much 
indiscipline and violence within the Congress 
itself. Congressmen will make a serious mistaW 
if they do not give full weight to my words. 
I cannot, will not, start mass civil disobedience 
so long as I am not convinced that there is 
enough discipline and enough non-violence in 
Congress ranks. The apathy about the construc- 
tive programme, i. e. spinning and sales of Irbad? , 
I take to be positive signs of unhplipf Battle 
through such instruments is foredoomed to 
failure. Such persons should know I am 

not their man. If there is no hope of 
attaining the necessary measure of discipline and 
non-violence, it would be better to let me 
retire from leadership. 

Let it be clearly understood that I cannot be 
hustled into precipitating the struggle. They err 
grievously who think that I can ever declare 
civil disobedience, having been driven thereto by 
the so-called leftists. I make no such distinction 
between rightists and leftists. Both are my co- 
workers and friends. He will be a bold man 
who can with any measure of certainty draw 
the line of demarcation between leftists and 
rightists. Congressmen and aon-Congressmen sbmdd 
also know that, even if the whole country were 
to turn against me, I must, when the time comes, 
fight single-handed. The others have or may have 
weapons besides non-violence. I have no rbni^-^ 
Being the author of non-violent technique in 
the political field, I am bound to fi g b t when I 
feel the urge from within. 

It is inherent in the technique that I never 
know the time table in advance. The call may 
come at any time. It need not be described as 
from God. The inner urge is a current phrase 
easily understood. Everybody sometimes acts upon 

the iimer urge. Such action need not always be 
right. But there is no other explanation possible 
for certain actions. 

The thought often comes to me that it would 
be a good thing if the Congress could forget 
me. I do sometimes feel that with my strange 
views of life I am a misfit in the Congress. 
Whatever special qualifications I may possess 
and for which the Congress and the country 
may have use, can perhaps be better utilised if 
I were wholly cut off fitom the Congress. But 
I know that this severance cannot be brought 
about mechanically or violently. It will come 
in its own time, if it has to come. Only 
Congressmen should know my limitations and 
should not be surprised or grieved if they finH 
me stiff and unbending. I ask them to believe 
me when I say that I am incapable of acting 
without the fulfilment of the conditions laid 
down for declaring mass civil disobedience. 

Sevagram, 5-3-40 


In view of the critical situation which the 
country has to face; the Working Committee 
has decided, at its meeting held at Patna last 
week, to recommend to the Congress Subjects 
Committee only the following resolution: 

This Congress, having considered the grave 
and critical situation resulting from the War 
in Europe and British policy in regard to it, 
approves of and endorses the resolutions passed 
and the action taken on the War situation by 
the A I. C. C. and the Working Committee. The 
Congress considers the declaration by the British 
Government of India as a belligerent country, 
without any reference to the people of India, 
and the exploitation of India’s resources in this 
War, as an a&ont to them, which no self- 
respecting and freedom-loving people can accept 
ortolerare. The recent pronouncements made on 
behalf of the British Government in regard to 
India demonstrate that Great Britain is carrying 
on the War fundamentally for imperialist ends 
and for the preservation and strengthening of her 
Empire, which is based on the exploitation of 
the people of India, as well as of other Asiatic 
and A&ican countries. Under these circumstances, 
it is clear that the Congress cannot in any way, 
directly or indirectly, be party to the War, 
which means continuance and perpetuation of 
this exploitation. The Congress, therefore, strong- 
ly disapproves of Indian troops being made to 
fight for Great Britain and of the drain from 
India of men and material for the purpose of 
the War. Neither the recruiting nor the money 
raised in India can be considered to be volun- 
tary contributions from India. Congressmen, and 
those under the Congress influence, cannot help 
in the prosecution of the War with men, 
money or material 

The Congress hereby declares again that 
nothing short of Complete Independence can be 
accepted by the people of India. Indian freedoms 

March 9, 1940 



cannot exist within the orbit ofj •imperialism* 
-and Dominion Status or any other status ^within 
•the imperial structure is wholly inapplicable Jto 
India, is not in keeping with the dignity of a 

great nation, and would bind India in many 

ways to British policies and economic structure. 
The people of India alone can properly shape 
their own constitution and determine their 
relations to the other countries of the world, 
through a Constituent Assembly elected on the 
basis of adult sufiErage. 

The Congress is further of opinion that 
while it will always be ready, as it ever has 

been, to make every effort to secure communal 

harmony, no permanent solution is possible except 
through a Constituent Assembly, where the rights 
of all recognised minorities will be fully pro- 
tected by agreement, as far as possible, between 
the elected representatives of various majority and 
minority groups, or by arbitration if agreement 
is not reached on any point. Any alternative 
will lack finality. India's constitution must be 
based on independence, democracy and national 
unity, and the Congress repudiates attempts to 
divide India or to split up her nationhood. The 
Congress has always aimed at a constitution 
where the fullest freedom and opportunities of 
•development are guaranteed to the group and 
the individual, and social injustice yields place 
to a juster social order. 

The Congress cannot admit the right of the 
Rulers of Indian States, or of foreign vested 
•interests, to come in the way of Indian freedom. 
■Sovereignty in India must rest with the people, 
whether in the States or the Provinces, and all 
■other interests must be subordinated to their 
vital interests. The Congress holds that the 
difficulty raised in regard to the States is of 
British creation, and it will not be satisfactorily 
solved unless the declaration of the freedom of 
India from foreign rule is unequivocally made. 
Foreign interests, if they are not in conflict with 
»the interests of the Indian people, will be protected. 

The Congress withdrew the Ministries from 
the Provinces where the Congress had a majority 
•in order to dissociate India from the War and 
to enfisree the Congress determination to free 
India from foreign domination. This preliminary 
«tep must naturally be followed by civil dis- 
obedience, to which the Congress will unhesj tat- 
ingly resort as soon as the Congress organization 
is considered fit enough for the purpose, or in 
•case circumstances so shape themselves as to 
precipitate a crisis. The Congress desires to 
■draw the attention of Congressmen to Gandhiji’s 
■declaration that he can only undertake the 
•responsibility of declaring civil disobedience when 
■he is satisfied that they are strictly observing 
•discipline and are carrying out the constructive 
•programme prescribed in the Independence Pledge. 

The Congress seeks to represent and serve 
•all classes and communities without distinction 
•of race or religion, and the struggle for Indian 
independence is for the freedom of the whole 

nation. Hence the Congress cherishes the hope 
that all classes and communities will take part 
in it. The purpose of civil disobedience is to 
evoke the spirit of sacrifice in the whole nation. 

The Congress hereby authorises the All India 
Congress Committee and, in the event of this 
being necessary, the Working Committee, to take 
all steps to implement the foregoing resolution „ 
as the Committee concerned may deem necessary. 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

The question has come from London whether 
the Congress has closed the door to negotiation 
and compromise. My interpretation of the reso- 
lution is that the Congress has not closed the 
door. It has been closed by Lord Zetland. 
There can be no negotiation on his terms 
so far as the Congress is concerned. India will 
not be a helpless partner in her own exploita- 
tion and foreign domination. The Congress will 
not rest till India is a free country as Britain 
is. And if India accepts non-violence as her 
settled policy, she will be freer than Britain. 
Britain, which has ruled the waves, is in danger 
of losing her liberty. I have prescribed a 
remedy which is fool-proof. Whether the Congress 
will be instrumental in gaining India’s freedom 
or not is a different question. The resolution 
states in unequivocal terms that the Congress 
will enter into no compromise that gives India 
less. The other thing that the Congress has made 
clear is that the British aim being known to 
be no ot^er than the consolidation of the British 
Empire, the India that is influenced by the 
Congress can be no party to the war. In other 
words, the Congress cannot give Britain its moral 
support. The third thing the resolution makes 
clear is that the fight, whenever it comes, will 
be strictly non-violent and, therefore, under severe 
discipline. The choice will be Britain's, not that 
of the Congress, whether India is once more to 
be a prison house for those who will rather 

be prisoners and even go through greater 
sufferings than be helpless witnesses of their 
country’s continuous subordinatbn to Great 
Britain or any other Power. Calcutta, 2-3-40 

Handmade Paper 

The following are the figures of pur purchases and 
sales of paper from January 1st to February 29th, 
1940 : 

Purchases Sales 

January 2599-10-0 1731-10-3 

February 1933-2-6 1375-14-3 

4532-12-6 3307— a^6 

Moreover. Rs. 386-0-3 have been given as catting 
and envelope-making charges. 

During these two months we have sdd 64,338 

whole sheets; 62,932 latter paper; 193,659 envelopes; 
164 card sheets; 17,148 cards; 1,170 whole blotting 
sheets; 787 blotting pieces; 950 visiting cards; 6L 
pocket books; 2,100 tag labels; and 708 office files. 

Manager, Harijani Poona 4; and 81 Queen's Roadt 
Bombay 2. 



I Maeoh 9, 1940 


In the course of a 'letter which he wrote on 
the eve of his visit to Santiniketan Gandhiji 
described it as a ‘ pilgrimage As an institution 
that, pending his arrival, invited and gave shel- 
ter, under its hospitable roof, to members of his 
‘family’ on their return to India from South 
Africa, it has always claimed a soft corner in 
his heart. And the sweet associations of 
Gurudev and Borodada, the late Mr. Pearson and 
Deenbandhu Andrews have only heightened that 
feeling. To attune himself to that feeling, or 
perhaps under the stress of that feeling, 
Gandhiji before starting made a drastic reduc- 
tion in his entourage, cutting it down to the 
barest minimum irrespective of every other con- 
sideration, and though' many at that time failed 
to catch its import, it gave Gandhiji, in the 
retrospect, a supreme satisfaction to have taken 
that unbending moral stand as the only course 
befitting the solemnity of the occasion. 

This was to be his third visit to Santiniketan 
the last one bemg fourteen years ago — in 1925. 
He knew it was overdue. Every report about 
Gurudev's failing health accompanied by a ‘love 
message’ from the Poet that Deenbandhu sent 
to Gandhiji from time to time, reminded him 
of it. It was Deenbandhu who had acted as the 
‘go-between’ on the present occasion, when he 
conveyed to Gandhiji the Poet’s pressing invita- 
tion to visit Santiniketan. But by a cruel irony 
when that long looked for visit actually came 
he was not there to witness it. He " had been 
suddenly taken ill a few days before and 
removed to the Presidency Hospital, Calcutta, in 
a precarious condition. He was more than a 
member of the ‘ joint family ’ of Gurudev and 
Gandhiji, and the shadow of this domestic illness 
overhung and tinged the whole of Gandhiji’s 
Santiniketan visit. 

A Sacred Remembrance 

A small reception had been arranged for 
Gandhiji on the afternoon of the day of his 
arrival. It was held in the Amrakunja, a spot 
rendered sacred by its associations with the 
late Maharshi Debendranath Tagore, Gurudev’s 
father. It was here, tradition says, that he used 
to sit and sometimes remain absorbed in medi- 
tation from eventide till daybreak. By his will 
he converted it into a place of universal wor- 
ship of one Brahma, the Formless and Invisible, 
and a sanctuary for aU wild animal life. 

The function commenced with a chanting of 
the Poet’s favourite Upanishadic text, with the 
haunting refrain 

“ Those who come to know Him, 

They attain to immortality.” 

The address of welcome was read by Gurudev 
himselfr It was short and impressive. But Gandhiji’s 
thoughts were far away with Charlie Andrews 
in Calcutta. On a . previous occasion Deen- 
bandhu had sung' 

And I have seen His face 
have seen and known 
This sacrament was given. 

* ^ » 

And I can wait the dawning of the day, 

The day-star on my night already shining. 

The shadow and the veil shall pass away, 

Death shall make true my dreaming.” 

And now he lay hovering between life and 
death. Gandhiji made a feeling reference to him 
in his reply. 

**My uppermost feelings on arriving here are 
about Deenbandhu, ” he began. “ Perhaps you 
do not know that the first thing I did yesterday 
morning on alighting from the train at Calcutta 
was to pay him a visit in the hospital. Gurudev 
is a world poet, but Deenbandhu too has the' 
spirit and temperament of a poet in him. He 
had long yearned to be present on the present 
occasion, to drink in and store up the memory 
of every word, movement and gesture relating 
to the meeting with Gurudev. But God had 
willed it otherwise and he now lies in Calcutta,, 
stricken down and unable even to make full use 
of his speech. I would like you all to join me in 
the prayer that God may restore him to us soon 
and, in any case, may grant his spirit peace. 
Sweet Old Memories 

‘‘I have not come here as a stranger or a 
guest. Santiniketan has been more than a home 
to me. It was here that the members of my 
South African family found warm hospitability 
in 1914, pending my arrival from England, and 
I too found shelter here for nearly a month. 
The memories of those days crowd in upon me 
as I see you all, here assembled before me. It 
grieves me that I cannot prolong my stay here 
as I would have loved to. It is a question of 
duty. In a letter to a friend, the other day, I 
described my present trip to Santiniketan and 
Malikanda as a pilgrimage. Santiniketan has 
truly, this time, proved for . me a ‘ niketan ’ of 
‘ Santi ’ — an abode of peace. I have come here 
leaving behind me all the cares and burdens 
of politics, simply to have Gurudev’s darshan 
and blessings. I seek often claimed myself to be 
an accomplished beggar. But a more precious 
gift has never dropped into my beggar’s bowl 
than Gurudev’s blessings today. I know his 
blessings are with me always. But it has been 
my privilege today to receive the same from 
him in person, and that fills me with joy.” 


The next day the whole morning was devoted 
to making a round of all the various depart- 
ments of Santiniketan, followed by a visit to 
Sriniketan. Kshitishbabu, ‘‘the sole survivor” of 
the older group of teachers whom Gandhiji had 
contacted during his last visit to and stay at 
Santiniketan, acted as the guide. It was a privi- 
lege in the Vidyabhawan to meet Haribabu, 
the compiler of the Bengali dictionary, who has, 
single-handed, after twentyeight years of conti- 

March 9, 1940] 



jiuous labour completed a work which entitles 
him to be ranked with literary giants like Shri 
hTagendranath Bose, the author of Bengali 
Vishwakosha, and Prof. Murray of the Oxford 
Dictionary fame. Sixtyfour volumes of his monu- 
mental work, we were told, have already been 
published, and the complete set, when it is ready 
in another three years’ time, will run into 
eighty and cost from 40 to 50 rupees. 

In the China Bhawan or the Department of 
Chinese Culture, Prof. Tan-Yuan Sen was not 
there, being away with the China’s goodwill 
deputation that is touring India, but his good 
wife was there to meet Gandhiji. Gandhiji was 
here shown the library of Chinese books that 
the Chinese nation had presented to the Visva- 
bharati. The Chinese children, Gandhiji was told, 
were not one whit behind any other in establi- 
shing a freemasonary with their Santiniketan 
chums, and felt quite at home with them 
undeterred by the “language difficulty’’, 

A Philosopher Prince 

In the section of Islamic culture, Gandhiji was 
delighted to see an original manuscript transcribed 
in his own beautiful caligraphic hand by that 
Philosopher Prince — Dara Shikoh, who through 
his mysticism arrived at a catholicity and 
breadth of religious outlook that was unheard 
'of in those days and is rare even in our own. In 
■a monograph published by the Department we are 
told how he patronised men of all denominations, 
saints, theologians, philosophers and poets of 
every creed and community, studied Sanskrit, 
became deeply interested in the Vedanta and 
Yoga philosophy, and from the learned pandits 
of Benares and contacts with yogis, initiated him- 
self into the practices of Yoga. Denounced by 
the fanatical set as a heretic he was neverthe- 
less a true Mussalman. In a lengthy introduc- 
tion to the Upanishads which he himself trans- 
lated into Persian, he has explained how he was 
led to their study through his search after 
Reality. “ Subtle doubts came into my mind for 
which I had no possibility of solution and, 
whereas the Holy Koran is almost totally enig. 
matical and at the present day the under- 
standers thereof are very rare, I became desirous 
to collect into one view all the revealed books, 
as the very word of God itself might be its 
own commentary, and if in one book it be com- 
pendious in another book it might be found 
diffusive. ’’ Proceeding he adds that as a “mystic 
enthusiast and ardent advocate of the unity of 
God”, he searched for Reality no matter in what 
language, and that in quest for Truth, in the 
higher stages of its realisation, religion is of no 
•matter.” And so he came to ‘Upanekhats’ 
“which are a treasury of monotheism.” And 
yet it was not that he wanted to raise a hybrid 
growth by grafting Hindusim on Islam or vice 
versa. As Dr. Yusuf Hussan has pointed out, “he 
■was actuated by a desire to prove that both 
Islam and Hinduism, in appearance so funda- 
mentally dissimilar, are essentially the same. Both 

represent spiritual efforts of man to realize Truth 
and God.” 

In Nandababu’s Sancium 

The last to be visited was the Kala Bhawan, 
Shri Nandababu’s sanctum sanctorum of art. “Like 
Krishna, he hides himself behind his work,” was 
the epigramatic description given of him by a 
friend to Gandhiji. Retiring, shy, reserved, he 
is the pattern of humility and unassuming un- 
ostentatiousness. He lives only in and for his art 
which he has taken as his spiritual Sadhana. “You 
cannot become an artist, ” he is fond of telling 
his pupils, “ unless you identify yourself with the 
humblest and the meanest of God’s creation. ”, 
A gentler soul has hardly ever breathed. All 
the children are his chums, and it is a common 
sight to see Nandababu make a detour to avoid 
a bunch of youngsters engaged in a ‘ lark ’ 
lest he should intrude upon their ‘ freedom ' !! 
“ Art is a jealous and exacting mistress, ” is 
another favourite saying of his. But though 
fastidious and meticulous to a degree in his 
devotion, to his ideal, he has never been known 
to send away an aspiring artist without an 
encouraging word. 

His genius is only matched by his industry. 
There is hsirdly a nook or a corner in Santi- 
niketan but bears the impress of his art and 
industry. A wall to him is only a bed for the 
execution of a fresco or a bas-relief panel, a ceil- 
ing simply a surface for bearing his cartoons, a 
lump of clay plastic material to be turned into 
a beautiful model. As a friend remarked half 
seriously, half in banter, if Nandababu bad his 
way, he would use our great globe itself as 
material for turning out some cosmic piece of 
art! It gave Gandhiji particular satisfaction and 
joy to know that, next to Bengal, Gujarat had 
provided Nandababu the largest number of pupils. 

Gurudev at Seventynine 

Gandhiji had several intimate talks with 
Gurudev. But they are of too sacred and, 
personal a character for recapitulation here. 
At seventynine the Poet’s countenance shows 
no diminuition .in its luster, the eyes burn 
brighter than ever, the step is firm although 
he needs support and moves about only with 
difficulty. The voice has lost none of its vigour 
or its sonorous musical quality, and the spirit 
retains all the freshness and irrepressible exuber- 
ance of youth. He insisted upon Gandhiji wit- 
nessing the performance of his fiivourite musical 
pantomime, Chandalika, in which his grand- 
daughter played the principal part. He personally 
supervised the rehearsal and even delayed the 
programme by a quarter of an hour till he was 
satisfied that everything was tip-top. It was a 
sight to be remembered when at one stage he 
almost jumped to the edge of his seat and broke 
out into a musical interpolation to provide the 
cue when the performers haul or seemed to have 
lost it. His enthusiasm must have got an infecti- 
ous quality in it, for I have never seen Gandhiji 
follow with such sustained and rapt interest any 

36 HAKIJAJN [ MAECH 9, 1940 

entertainment as he did this one during the 
full one hour that it lasted. 

A ‘Saddening Reflection 

From a bare spot that Santiniketan is origin- 
ally said to have been and notorious for being 
the haunt of dacoits, it has under the magic of 
Gurudev’s personality grown to its present size, 
and yet, as Kshitishhabu remarked to Gandhiji 
with a sigh, “ the scholars who arc engaged in 
research work are cramped for space, and when 
enough accommodation is.forthcoming, who knows, 
the present race of scholars at any rate may 
have run its course 1” 

On train, 26-2-40 • Pyafelal 


Mr. F. £. James has done the courtesy of send- 
ing Gandhiji the text of his reply to the 
latter’s article “The Fourfold Ruin” that recently 
* appeared in Harijati. It is a clever piece of 
reasoning, but it is hardly convincing. 

Mr. James's quarrel with Gandhiji is that the 
inclusion of the fourfold indictment of the 
British rule in the pledge is, in the first place 
unnecessary and irrelevant, in the second place 
it is untrue, and lastly it is provocative. 

Let us take the second objection first. For, if 
the “fourfold ruin” lacks a historical basis, that 
by itself should be enough reason to justify the 
deletion of the passage in the pledge under 

Mr. James denies that Britain can be held 
guilty of bringing about the economic ruin of 
India or the destruction of her cottage industries, 
which he contends was inevitable as a result of 
the impact of Western industrialism upon the 
primitive economy of the East. One is con- 
strained to say that Mr. James has here begged 
the issue. The question is not whether the 
progress of industrialism would have by itself 
sufficed to kill Indian cottage industries, but 
whether the policy adopted by the British admi- 
nistrators with regard to them was not" calcu- 
lated to bring about that result. The tragic 
story of the levying by Britain of one, two, 
even five, hundred per cent and higher import 
duties on the Indian textiles, the notorious 
* hedge' duties and the Mutarfa tax* or of the 

* With regard to it the Hon. Frederick Shore, son 
of Lord Teignmouth, in one of his Notes on 
Indian Affairs, in reviewing Sir Charles Trevelyan’s 
Report, wrote : “ The poor natives of India submit 
to all this, as they do to every other extortion and 
oppression which they suffer at our hands, because 
they look upon redress as hopeless; but hear the 
bitter complaints which were made to Lieutenant 
Burnes by the merchants of Bokhara. They actually 
declared that the vexatious annoyances and extortion 
practised on merchants in the British-Indian provinces 
were infinitely greater than they experienced in 
Eus^, Peshawar,’ Kabool or Bokhara.” 

* It was described in a memorandum submitted to 
the House of Commons as "a tax upon trades and 
occupations, embracing weavers, carpenters)' all workers 

inhuman exploitation of the Bengal artisans under 
the East India Company which led them to 
cut off their thumbs as the only means of escape- 
ficom their unendurable lot, is all recorded in 
authentic history. Let the curious trim over the 
well-documented pages of R. C. Dutt, whose 
accuracy has not been challenged in a single 
particular, or of Montgomery Martin, and 
judge for himself whether human ingenuity could 
go further in devising means for the extermi- 
nation of a people’s handicrafts, or whether any 
system of industry in the world would survive 
such sabotage. It is true that the progress of 
industrialism had an equally devastating effect 
on the cottage industries of Britain. What is 
forgotten is that the latter were not sacrificed 
to benefit the industry of another nation as- 
India’s were for the sake of Britain. 

Similarly, Mr. James forgets that, whilst he 
energetically repudiates the charge of thrusting 
upon India denationalising education, the authors 
of our educational system were themselves 
refreshingly frank about it. The father of India’s 
present-day educational policy made no bones 
about it when he declared that the intention, 
behind it was “to form a class of persons who 
would he Indian in blood and colour, but 
English in taste, in opinion, in morals and in 
intellect,” nor when he expressed the hope that, 

“ if our plans of education arc followed up, there 
will not be a single idolater among the respect- 
able class in Bengal thirty years hence.”* 

Nor is the spiritual deterioration of a nation 
under foreign political domination a matter 
requiring elaborate historical research; it is a. 
question of the evidence of one’s senses. Mr. James 
worsens his case when he tries to defend humi- 
liating ceremonials on the ground that they owe 
very much to India which existed before the 
British came. It should be enough that they 
are keenly resented by every self-respecting son 
of India. Mr. James could not possibly have 
forgotten how the “efficiency and skill”, to use 

in metals, all salesmen, whether possessing shops 
which are also taxed separately, or vending by the 
roadside, &c., some paying impost on their tools, 
others for permission to sell — extending to the most 
trifling articles of trade and the cheapest tools the 
mechanic can employ, the cost of which is fre- 
quently exceeded six times by the Mutarfa, under 
which the use of them is permitted.” “ The discre- 
tionary power under which it is collected, ” the- 
memorandum went on to add, “affords a wide field 
for the perpetual practice of inquisitorial ■visits, extor- 
tion and oppression, as suits the pleasure or the- 
cupidity of the irresponsible collectors, with whom 
it is no unusual thing to resort to imprisonment and. 
fetters in order to compel tbeir exactions. And the 
whole sum raised by this impost is but little above 
£ 100,000 sterling.” — R. C. Butt’s Tht Economic 
History oj India in the Victorian Age, Pp. 164-65. 

3 Macaulay in 1836 — cited by Edward Thompson 
in his Rise and Fulfilment of British Rule in India^, 
pages 315 and 317. 

Maech 9, 1940 ] 



Prof. Keith’s phrase, with which the Princes 
were drilled on the occasion of Lord Curzon’s 
Durbar nearly precipitated a major crisis in the 
relations between the Ruling Chiefs and the 
Paramount Power. But since Mr, Tames insists 
upon the precise chapter and verse, let him 
ponder over the following picked up almost at 
random from the pages of Edward Thompson : 

" Bentinck’s entertainments were magnificent, and 
he achieved fame by permitting Indians to drive 
to the Governor-GeneraVs house in carriages. 

“ *Oa going to a station no Englishman thought 
of calling on the notables of the district, as was 
once done as a matter of course; instead, certificates 
of respectability were required of the notables before 
they could be guaranteed a chair when they visited 

the oflScer In Calcutta many writers expected 

every Indian to salute them' ” ^ ( Italics mine. ) 

. Or the following : 

“ The racial relations in Bengal continued what 
they are still — the amazement of the society of India’s 
saner regions. Elphinstone was scornfully aristocratic 
‘Cven among his own people. But he knew well that 
India bad its own aristocracy, whose friendship was 
worth regarding. He told Malcolm (May 24, 1819); 

* The picture you draw of the state of India, as 
it is likely to be for the next four or five years, 
makes me regret that you are so soon to leave it. 
It has sometimes struck me that the fault of our 
•younger politicians — who have never seen the Indian 
States in the days of their power — is a contempt 
for the natives, and an inclination to carry every- 
-thing with a high hand. ’ ” * 

Or take the following from Sir Thomas 
Munroe’s minutes to Lord Hastings, As Mr. 
Edward Thompson points out, Sir Munroe’s views 
are too important for the historian to omit 
any fair chance of calling attention to them. 

** Foreign conquerors have treated the natives with 
violence, and often with great cruelty, but none has 
treated them with so much scorn as we ; none has 
stigmatised the whole people as unworthy of trust, 
incapable of honesty, and as fit to be employed 
only where we cannot do without them. It seems 
to be not only ungenerous, but impolitic, to debase 
the character of a people fallen under our domination. 

The strength of British Government enables it 
to put down every rebellion, to expel every foreign 
invasion, and to give to its subjects a degree of 
protection which those of , no Native power enjoy. 
Its laws and institutions also allow them security 
from domestic aggression, unknown in those states : 
but these advantages are dearly bought. They are 
purchased by the sacrifice of independence of national 
■character and of whatever renders a people respect- 
able. The Natives of British provinces may, without 
fear, pursue their different occupations and enjoy the 
fruits of their labour in tranquillity; but none of 
them can aspire beyond this animal state of thriving 
in peace,' none of them can look forward to any 

4 T. G. P. Spear: The Nabobs, p. 140, cited by 
Edward Thompson in his Rise and Fulfilment of 
British Rule in India, p. 306. . 

5. Ibid p. 306. 

share in the legislation or civil or military govern- 
ment of their country. The effect of this state of 
things is observable in all the British provinces, 
whose inhabitants are certainly the most abject race 
in India. 

The consequence, therefore, of the conquest of 
India by the British arms would be in place of 
raising, to debase the whole people.** 

Mr, James non-chalantly remarks that the 
Pledge is repeated in circumstances of unparal- 
leled freedom, and argues from this that Britain 
has fostered the ideals of self-government in India 
for which we ought to be grateful. May we 
remind Mr. James that this “ unparalleled free- 
dom”, as he calls it, became possible only after 
the people had proved their mettle under the 
fire of suffering and repression, that more than 
one university in India were actually asked to 
exclude the writings of Burke and Mill from 
their curricula as they tended to foster the spirit 
of ‘ sedition and that many a college student 
has been made to pay the penalty for betraying 
a nationalist bias in university debates or in 
answering examination papers? 

Full of unconscious irony is Mr. James’s asser- 
tion that for the ' first time in her history, 
largely through British influence, India * has 
understood the meaning and necessity of unity. 
This is a strange claim to make on behalf of a 
nation whose administrators have perfected the 
science of “divide and rule” and used it with 
deadlier effect than any other people on earth. 
But here again let us hear the truth from the 
lips of the Britishers concerned themseilves. It 
was a British Commandant at Moradabad, Lt.- 
Col. John Coke who about the time of the 1857 
rising wrote: “Our endeavours should be to 
uphold in full force the (for us fortunate) 
separation which exists between the different 
religions and races, not to endeavour to amalga- 
mate them. ‘Divide et impera’ should be the 
principle of Indian Government.” It was Lord 
Elphinstone, Governor of Bombay, who in a 
minute dated May 14, 1825, wrote: ''Divide et 
Impera was the old Roman motto and it should 
be ours.” It was Sir Bampfyld Fuller, the 
Governor of Lord Curzon’s creation, “ The East 
Bengal Province”, who in an oft-quoted address 
promulgated the now famous ‘favourite wife’ 
policy. Again, it was Sir John Maynard, a retired 
member of the Executive Council of the Punjab, 
who in an article contributed to The Foreign 
Affairs, London, wrote: 

“ It is, of course, true that British authority could 
not have established and could not now maintain 
itself but for the fissiparous tendency, of which the 
Hindu- Muslim antagonism is one manifestation. It 
is also true that the mass rivalry of the two commu- 
nities began under British rule. Persecuting rulers 
made their appearance from time to time in the 
pre-British era, levying tribute on unbelievers or 
punishing with fanatical zeal the slaying of kine. 
But the Hindu and Muslim masses — before they 
had eaten of the tree of knowlege and had become 



[ March 9, 1940' 

religion-conscious — worshipped peacefully side by 
side at the same shrines.” 

Lastly, it was no less a person than Lord 
Olivier, the Secretary of State for India under 
the Ramsay Macdonald Government, who in the 
columns of the London Times observed : 

“ No one with a close acquaintance with Indian 
affairs will be prepared to deny that on the whole 
there is a predominant bias in British officialdom in 
favour of the Muslim community, partly on the 
ground of closer sympathy but more largely as a 
make-weight against Hindu nationalism.” 

Nor has India forgotten the way Sir Samuel 
Hoare torpedoed the Allahabad unity talks by 
going out of his way to concede to the separa- 
tion of Sindh mthout joint electorates when the 
Mussalman representatives in the Conference 
had already agreed to joint electorates on the 
condition that Sindh was constituted into a 
separate province. 

Thus though British rule has brought home 
to India the meaning and necessity of unity in 
a sense as nothing before had, that is not the 
sense in which Mr. James perhaps means it or 
of which Britain can be proud. 

Mr. James has objected to the inclusion of 
Gandhiji’s fourfold indictment in the Pledge on 
the ground of relevancy. There would be some 
force in the objection if the fourfold ruin to 
which the Pledge calls attention were no more 
than a mere historical memory, a matter of 
academic interest only, instead of being an 
ever-present reality, that under a changing face 
confronts us at every turn. The “Lee loot” is 
only a continuation of an earlier tradition.® The 
cry of vested “European interests” has a familiar 
ring to one who has studied the records of the 
Honourable East India Company’s “investments”^ 

Clive had warned, the Directors (August 28 
1767) of what was coming, the jobbery, that be- 
setting curse of Indian administration, which the 
astonishing evidence of India's inexhaustible riches 
was to set up; *the great will interfere in your 
appointments, and noble men will perpetually solicit 
you to provide for the younger branches of their 
families.’...It did, and immediately, Directors and 
Directors* relatives, peers, even the Royal Family, saw 
no reason why they should not push a young friend or 
dependant into a service which within an incredibly 
brief period would bring him back enormously enrich- 
ed.” —( Edwaxid Thompson & G. T. Garratt:jRwe 
& Fulfilment of British Rule in India^ p. 108, 

7 ** Hastings came to see Mir Qasim and used 
his eyes as he went up country : ‘ I have been sur- 
prised to meet with , several English flags flying in 
places which I have passed; and on the river I do 
not believe that I passed a boat without one. By 
whatever title they have been assumed ( for I could 
only trust to the information of my eyes, without 
stopping to ask questions), I am sure their frequency 
can bode no good to the Nawab’s revenues, to the 
quiet of the country or the honour of our nation, 
but evidently tends to lessen each of them. A party 

and the hundred and fifty crores’ “gift” whicb- 
Britain made to herself out of India’s pocket,, 
is not diflFerent in character from the earlier* 
spoliations of Clive, Warren Hastings and the 
harpies of the East India Company, which shock- 
ed their contemporaries but made the hero of 
Plassey, so far as he was concerned, only “stand", 
astonished at his own moderation”.® 

Lord Morley on one occasion remarked that 
lack of courtesy on the part of Englishmen, 
reprehensible everywhere, was in India a crime,. 
The remark, I think, applies equally to ignorance 
about the basic facts of British rule in India^. 
particularly the Indian viewpoint. There is no- 
greater obstacle to the realization of justice in 
Indo-British relationship, than the belief shared 
by many good Englishmen, in common with Mr.. 
James, that the operation of British rule has on 
the whole been beneficent to India. It is this 
belief that makes Mr. James and his countrymen 
find offence in the reference to India’s “ four- 
fold ruin” under British domination, instead of 
a ground for heart-searching and introspection. - 
It is again this belief which makes them regard. 
Indian independence as a “gift” to be granted 
or withheld at Britain’s discretion, instead of a 
matter of detatched justice calling for unilateral) 
reparation on their part. As Chalmers used tO' 
say, duty will be merit when debt becomes 

Thus, I hope, I have proved that the reference 
to the fourfold ruin is true and, since it- continues,^ 
it is relevant, and, being relevant, ought not to be 
provocative to any just-minded Englishman. The 
case for independence would lose its point if 
the rulers, having begun by plunder,® had of 

of sipahis, who were on the march before us, afforded' 
us sufficient proof of the rapacious and insolent spirit 
of these people when they are, left to their own 
discretion. Many complaints were made against thenr 
on the road, and most of the petty towns and' 
sarais were deserted on our approach, and the shops 
shut up from the apprehensions of the same treat- 
ment from us.* 

Hastings protested : * The Nawab has granted a- 
boon to his subjects and there are no grounds for 
demanding that a sovereign prince should withdraw 
such a boon, or for threatening him with a war’ 
in the event of refusal.’ ” ( Edward Thompson &* 
G. T. Garratt : Op Cit, p. 103. ) 

8*‘Am I not rather deserving of praise for the 
moderation which marked my proceedings ? Consider 
the situation in which the victory at Plassey had’ 
placed mel A great prince was dependent on my 
pleasure, an opulent city lay at my mercy; its 
richest bankers bid against each other for my smiles; 

I walked through vaults which were thrown open tO' 
me alone, piled on either hand with gold and jewels! 
Mr* Chairman, at this moment I stand astonished at' 
my own moderation!” (Clive before Select Parlia- 
mentary Committee) 

9 ” Nature lightened the unhappy ryot’s problem 
in 1770 when such a famine ravaged Bengal that 
one-third of the natives were believed to have- 

llARCH 9, 1940 1 



’their own will later repented of it and made 
common cause with the people. Does it not 
■occur to Mr. James that, if they had, India 
would today be a free county, living in honour- 
■able partnership with Britain? The reverse is the 
•tfact. India’s fourfold ruin still continues. She is 
■still being bled for Britain's sake. Hence Britain’s 
■reluctance to part with power. 

Maiikanda, 25-2-40 Pyarelal 


[ The following are some excerpts from the 
-.summary of the proceedings of the annual 
meeting of the Harijan Sevak Sangh circulated 
'by the General Secretary. ] 

The seventh annual meeting of the All India 
Harijan Sevak Sangh was held at Harijan Nivas, 
'Delhi, on 11th and 12th February under the 
presidentship of Sheth G. D. Birla, President of 
the Sangh. In all 40 members and representa- 
tives were present. Reports from the various 
provinces were presented and discussed. The 
reports showed that at present a large number 

• of educational centres were being run by the 
Sangh. In all there were 96 free hostels and 
.ashrams run by the Sangh’s branches, out of 

which 10 were girls’ hostels. The largest number 
s.of hostels were in Andhra, 26 in all. The 
-Sangh is running cottage tanning centres in 
Bengal and Tamil Nad, industrial and agricul. 
•tural centres at Barama in Assam, Delhi, Navsati, 
.Allahabad, Guntur, Ranchi, Bangalore, Conjee- 
varam, Kodambakam ( Madras ), , Trivandrum, 
'Devacottai, etc. The Sangh through its various 
-agencies has constructed or repaired about 300 
•wells during the year. The Sangh in all spent 
•about Rs. 350,000 during the year. Rs. 42,543 
were spent on administration, Rs. 6,297 on 
.propaganda, and the rest on welfare work among 
the Harijans, as schools, hostels, medical work, 
construction and repairs of wells, scholarships, 
-etc. The Andhra Branch of the Sangh spent the 
largest amount, viz. Rs. 43,365, during the year. 
lBut the most important work of the Sangh was 
the organisation of the Tamil Nad temple entry 
campaign and the consequent opening of the 
famous Meenakshi temple of Madura and Palni 
Temple followed by a number of other temples. 

The Central Office at Delhi alone received Rs. 
'72,000 as donations during the year, mostly 
through Gandhiji and the President of the 

-.perished by sickness and famine. This was Hastings’s 

• own estimate; some English eye-witnesses put the 
deaths at one-half the population which was probably 

^about fifteen millions. We may cautiously accept a 
fifth as the true proportion. The principal Naib 
Muhammad Reza Khan, collected the revenue almost 
fully, adding 10 per cent (the mjay cess, a recog- 
mized exaction by which the living made good revenue 
losses were to other taxpayers having been so 
unpatriotic as to die); and the Company’s servants 
iptofiteered in necessities.” (Edward Thompson & 
•G. T. Garatt. Op Cit 109-110) 

As regards the disbursement of Rs. 10,000 
received through Gandhiji from Late Laia 
Ramchand Khanna of Wazirabad for medical 
work among Harijans, the Sangh resolved to 
invite schemes for its utilisation from the 
branches of the Sangh. The Sangh accepted 
the offer of land and buildings of the value 
of about a lac of rupees from the Wadhwan 
(Kathiawad ) Education Society for starting a 
new centre of Harijan welfare work. 

Shri G. D. Birla, Shrimati Rameshwari Nehru, 
Shri A. V. Thakkar, Dr. Prafulla Chandra Ghosh, 
Shri T. D. Pustake, Shri Mahabir Prasad Poddar, 
Shri L. N. Gopalaswamy and Shri Parikshitlal 
Majmudar were appointed members of the 
Executive Committee of the Sangh for 1940. 

Including the two earmarked sums of 
Rs. 20,000 and Rs. 5,000, Rs. 137,991 were re- 
ceived for Thakkar Jayanti Fund, Rs. 20,000 are 
for the Central Board, and Rs. 5,000 for the 
construction of sweepers’ quarters at Ujjain. 
25 per cent of the total collections will be spent 
by Shri A. V. Thakkar for Aboriginal welfare 
and 75 per cent for Harijan work. A sum of 
Rs. 30,000 has been set apart out of this for 
awarding scholarships to Harijan girls for 5 years 
for Higher Vocational Education, and a separate 
sub-committee consisting of Shrimati Rameshwari 
Nehru, Shri A. V. Thakkar, Rajkumari Amrit 
Kaur, Shri Parikshitlal Majmudar and Shri 
Shyamlal has been formed in this connection. 

The Sangh expressed satisfaction at the adult 
literacy campaign organised by the Indore H. S. 
Sangh, and hoped that other provinces would 
also start similar literacy campaigns in their 
respective areas. The Sangh accepted with thanks 
an offer of Rs. 10,000 from Shrimati Rameshwari 
Nehru, its Vice-President, for starting a residen- 
tial industrial institute for girls to be located in 
Delhi, and resolved to take the necessary steps 
for starting the same. 

The question was raised as to the Sangh’s 
policy towards propaganda. Little or nothing 
has been spent by the Sangh for propaganda. 
The Board made it clear that it was not the 
expenditure on propaganda that was objected to, 
but the employment of paid pracharaks. Pro- 
paganda of the right type carried on by con- 
vinced reformers was not only not objected to 
but was welcomed. Such was Gandhiji’s tour 
of 1933-34. Provincial organisations may, there- 
fore, invite noted reformers to tour their 
provinces. A. V. Thakkar 

Some Recent Books 

S. K. George — Gandhi’s Challenge to 
Christianity 2-10 

L. P, Jacks — Revolt E^ainst Mechanism 1-14 
J, C. Kumarappa — C. P. Industrial 
Survey Repot Part I Vol. I 
.. II .. I 

I „ , II 

Thakkar Committee s Report on 

C. P. Sweepers’ condition 1 — 2 0 — 2 

Available at (1) Harijan office — 'Poona 4; (2) Harijan 
office — 81 Queen’s Road, Bombay 2. 

Price Postage 


0-10 0—2 
0-12 0—2 
1—4 0—4 



[ March 9, 1940 


Deenbandhu Charlie Andrews’ numerous friends 
here and abroad will be greatly relieved to learn 
that he is now considered by his doctors to be 
out of any immediate danger, Gandhiji, who 
visited him again on his return from Malikanda, 
found him still very weak, but otherwise there 
was a marked, all-round improvement. The 
eflfect of the mild paralytic stroke which had 
followed the preliminary operation was nearly 
over, the kidney function had largely been 
restored, and Gandhiji had the satisfaction 
of being told that, if and when the second 
operation was decided upon, the most competent 
surgeon in Calcutta would be invited to 
perform it. 

Deenbandhu was apparently feeling quite at 
home in his well-ventilated cheery room. He 
was eager to know all about Gandhiji’s Santi- 
niketan visit and the meeting with Gurudev. 
The reference to the Poet put him in that 
expansive mood when one feels with 'the poet 

That miss the many-splendoured thing. 

But ( when so sad thou canst not sadder } 

Cry; — and upon thy so sore loss 
Shall shine the traffic of Jacob’s ladder 
Pitched betwixt Heaven and Charing Cross.*^ 
A strange peace settled on his face as I 

Yea, in the night, my soul, my daughter, 

Cry, clinging Heaven by the hems; 

And lo, Christ walking on the water, 

Not of Gennesareth, but Thames ! 

And who wrote Borodada, I chaffed him, as I* 
rose to take leave : 

** But have seen His face — have seen and known. 
This sacrament was given. 

And 1 can wait the dawning of the day, 

The day-star on my night already gleaming, 
The shadow and the veil shall pass away. 
Death shall make true my dreaming.” 

He replied with a faint smile, “I thinks, 
I wrote something like that! ” 

On the train to Wardha 3-3-40 Pyarelal 


“ God’s in His heaven, 

All’s right with the world I ’ 

Everything that Gandhiji told him was ‘ won- 
derful ‘ marvellous ’, * perfect He referred to 
the European struggle which had been exercis- 
ing his mind even on his sick-bed, and then 
added, as if describing something that he saw 
with the eye of faith, ” But Bapu, Swaraj is 
coming. I see it coming. India will be free. ’* 
“Tknow it,” replied Gandhiji. “Do you know?” 
resumed Deenbandhu. “ I am quite reconciled to 
my illness. I think it was God’s blessing in dis- 
guise. It has given me a wonderful experience 
which I would never otherwise have had.” He 
struggled hard to recall Francis Thompson’s lines 
without success, I asked him if he was thinking 
of Francis Thompson’s “ In no strange land ” : 

“O world invisible, we view thee, 

O world intangible, we touch thee, 

O world unknowable, we know thee, 
Inapprehensible, we clutch thee. ” 

His countenance lit up with joy, and he began 
slowly to fumble out the succeeding lines : • 

‘'Does the fish soar to find the ocean. 

The eagle plunge to find the air — 

That we ask of the stars in motion 
If they have rumour of thee there ? 

Not where the wheeling systems darken. 

And our benumbed conceiving soars — 

The drift of pmions, would we hearkei;. 

Beats at our own clay-shuttered doors. ” 

He again fell into a inuse, “ O, it is marvell- 
ous, that description of the sweep of the angels’ 
wings,” he slowly muttered, his eyes half closed 
and a deep introspective look on his face. I 
supplied the lines : 

The angels keep their ancient places; — 

Turn but a stone, and start a wing; 

*Tis ye, ’tis your estranged faces, 

To Correspondents and Message-seekers 

In spite of my notice in Harijan of Decem- 
ber 23rd those who can spare me continue tCf 
write and ask for messages. I would refer them 
to the notice for fuller explanation. I know 
several intimate friends have not received acknow- 
ledgments or messages. They will forgive me. 
I have to harden my heart if I am to cope 
-with the responsibility I am carrying. And what 
can be better than that I should commence with 
known friends? 

Sevagram, 15-1-40 M. K. G. 

To Agents 

In view of the several complaints recently received 
from agents about non-receipt of book post packets 
containing copies of Harijan^ we now take certifi- 
cates of posting on all the packets. Our responsibi- 
lity ends with the proper posting of the copies, and 
we would ask our agents, in case of non-receipt, 
to complain to the Post office. Manager 


Gandhi Seva Sangh — II 

M. D, 


Question Box 

M. K. Gandhi 29 

An Interlude at 




When ? 

M. K* Gandhi 32 

India and the War 


W^AT Resolution Means ... 

M. K. Gandhi 33 

The Santiniketan Pilgrimage 



Unconvincing Apologia 



Harijan Sevak Sangh 

A. V. Thakkar 39 

A Visit to Deenbandhu 




■ Segaon Becomes Sevagram... 

M. K. G. 


When the British Withdraw 

M. K, G. 


Clear Injustice 

M. K. G; 


Skimmed Milk 

• M* K. G. 


Pub^ed by Vith^ Hari Barve at the Axyabhushan Press- 915/1 Fergusson College Road. Poona 4 
SnlMciiptaon RatM — Inlaitd : One year. Be. 4, Bi± monthi, Be. 8-8, FOKBlon : One year. Be. or. 8 eh. or 1 1. 


VoL. VIE, No. 5 ] POONA — SATURDAY, MARCH 16, 1940 [ ONE ANNA 


The business hours of our Bombay branch will 
hereafter be from 11 a. M. to 7—30 p. m. Readers will 
please note the change. Address ; 67 & 81 Queen's 
Road, Bombay 2. Manager 


Do I Distrust the Viceroy ? 

Q. Does not your identifying yourself with 
the Patna resolution of the Working Committee 
betray distrust in Lord Linlithgow, although 
you have professed to believe in his sincerity ? 

A. You have read into the resolution what 
is wholly unwarrantf by the text. I do not 
doubt the Viceroy's s ncerity. I have not known 
a Viceroy who has weighed his words as Lord 
Linlithgow does. It is a pleasure to have a talk 
with him. For he speaks with the greatest 
deliberation. His speech is, therefore, always 
brief and to the point. I adhere to the remark 
I made about our last meeting that, although 
we could not agree, we had come nearer each 
other. We might have gone on talking for a 
few days, but we would only have talked round 
the subject and repeatedly come to the same 
point of disagreement. I was under no handi- 
cap for I was speaking for myself. He was 
under a severe handicap. He was speaking 
under orders. He had no authority to go 
outside his instructions. And so we parted 
the best of friends. But so far as I am con- 
cerned, I expect many more meetings. The reso- 
lution makes the Congress position cleat beyond 
doubt. It represents also my own position. If 
the British Government really mean full-hearted 
Dominion Status with the right to secede, then 
they can have no difficulty in accepting the 
Congress position. Unfortunately Lord Zetland’s 
interview shows that it is not India which is to 
determine her future but Britain will do so for 
her. This is not even Dominion Status of any 
known variety. Once the British Government are 
sure that they can no longer hold India, all 
the difficulties that are now being put forth on 
their behalf will vanish like darkness before 
dawn. For they are all of their creation. They 
are inherent in exploitation. I hope you now 
see that there is no question of distrust of the 
Viceroy. Events had to move to where they are. 

Fear of Tsms’ 

Q. You say that no such thing as Gandhism 
exists, and that what you stand for is nothing 
new. I am a Muslim. I see flashes of Islamic 

glory in Gandhism. As a student of theology I 
see the grandeur of Hinduism and the vigour 
of Christianity amply expounded in Gandhism. 
It includes also to a considerable extent the 
chaste philosophy of the entire East. I search 
the pages of India’s past history, but your creed 
I do not find. Why, therefore, is it not new, 
and why may it not be termed Gandhism for 
those of us who believe in you and therefore 

A. I have a horror of ‘ isms ’, especially when 
they are attached to proper names. Even if all 
that you say of me is true, it does not make 
a new sect. My effort is to avoid not only 
new sects but even to do away with old and 
superfluous ones. Ahimsa abhors sects. Ahimsa 
is a unifying force. It discovers unity in diversity. 
All that you say is derivable from ahimsa. To 
bring into being a new cult is repugnant to 
ahimsa, to the very experiment I am making. 
Thus you will, I hope, see that there is no 
room for ‘ Gandhism ’. 

Women and Their Work 

Q. You say, It is degrading both for man 
and woman that woman should be called upon 
or induced to forsake the hearth and shoulder 
the rifle for the protection of that hearth. It 
is a reversion to barbarity and the beginning 
of the end.” But what about the millions of 
female labourers in fields, factories, etc. ? They 
are forced to forsake the hearth and become 
‘ bread winners’. Would you abolish the indus- 
trial system and revert to the stone age? Would 
that not be a reversion to barbarity and the 
the beginning of the end? What is the new 
order that you envisage where the sin of 
making women work will be absent ? 

A. If millions of women are forced to forsake 
their hearth and become bread winners, it is 
wrong, but not so wrong as shouldering the 
rifle. There is nothing inherently barbarous ia 
labour, I see no barbarity in women voluntarily 
working on their fields whilst they are looking 
after their homes. In the new order of my 
imagination, all will work according to their 
capacity for an adequate return for their labour. 
Women in the new order will be part-time 
workers, their primary function being to look 
after the home. Since I do not regard the rifle 
as a permanent feature in the new order, its 
use will be progressively restricted even so far 
as men are concerned. It will be tolerated 
as a necessary evil while it lasts. But I would 



[ Maeoh 16, 1940 

not deliberately contaminate women with the 

Reman Script? 

Q. Why may not the illiterate masses be 
taught the Roman script? This would eliminate 
the existing controversy between Urdu and Hindi. 

A. To teach the Roman script in the place 
of Hindi and Urdu would be like putting the 
cart before the horse. Our children have first to 
learn both Hindi and Urdu scripts. Difficult 
questions cannot be solved by ignoring them or 
suggesting apparently easy substitutes. So long 
as hearts are divided the Roman script will 
not cement them. It would be an additional 
burden. The learning of the two* scripts is the 
best and the easiest way of at least solving the 
national language riddle. It opens Hindi and 
Urdu thought to both Hindu and Muslim boys 
and girls who will be the men and women of 
the future generation. The Roman script will 
be learnt at its proper time, i, e. when our boys 
and girls are taught the English language, as 
some undoubtedly will be. 

Kow to Begin? 

Q. Congress clamours for unity, but the prin- 
ciples which must be followed to attain that 
unity, vis. Hindu-Muslim fellow feeling, no caste 
distinctions, no harted towards each other or 
towards foreigners, co-operative endeavour, all 
these are presented to audiences through the 
microphone but not acted upon. Tell me what 
are the duties of a Congress member. I would 
love to join and will put forth all my energy 
to do my bit for the country. 

A. You need not mind what others do or 
ought to do. Charity begins at home. Let yours 
begin with yourself. Abolish all caste and reli- 
gious or race distinctions from your heart. Be 
true to everyone — Hindu, Muslim, Harijan, English 
etc, as you are, I hope, to yourself, and you 
will find that so far as you are concerned your 
difficulty will be solved and your example will 
be copied by others. Be sure that you have 
banished all hate from your heart, and that 
you have no political or other objective in 

loving and serving your neighbour as if 
your own self. 

Sevagram, 12-3-40 



Some Books by 




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Rs. 4 




My Early Life 





Speeches and Writings 





Cent Per Cent Swadeshi 





Hind Swaraj 





From Yeravda Mandir 





Self-Restraint v. Self-Indulgence 

Parts I & II ( each) 





Mahatma Gandhi 

By S. Radhakrishnan. Rs. 5-10-0. Postage 7 As. 
Available at Harijan ofi&ce-Poona 4, and 67 & 81 
Queen’s Road, Bombay 2 



The Spinning Ritual 

Quite the most important part of the daily 
routine of the Sangh members was sacrificial 
spinning. Every year there used to be an hour 
set apart for this ritual. This year Prafullababu 
decided, in consultation with Kishorelabhai, to 
have it for two hours daily, as the usual pro- 
gramme for some form of body labour in the 
village had been dropped. There was no work 
on which the two or three hundred people 
could be engaged at a time, and so the decision 
to double the period of the spinning interval 
was quite appropriate. 

The bare actual result of this ritual is worth 
noting. This year’s figures will not be ready 
until the yarn is turned into cloth, but they 
may be judged from the last year’s result which 
was available just on the day we were about 
to break up. The yarn was sorted and sent 
to the weaver in two batches. The superior 
sort yielded 57 yards of khadi 45" wide 
of beautiful texture, and the inferior counts 
yielded 12 yards of 27" width. This year the 
result will be nearly treble as, apart from 
the time being double, the number of spinners 
was larger and the spinning went on for a day 
more. Calculating it in round numbers, 300 
spinners must have produced about 150 yards 
of cloth in five days, i. e. half a yard each. 
This is a conservative estimate, for five days’ 
spinning at the rate of 300 yards per hour 
should give four-fifths of a yard of cloth of 
20 counts. What a good thing it would be if 
we could insist on every conference or meeting 
beginning with a spinning ritual of, say, at least 
half an hour. In this connection it my be noted 
that the Ratnagiri District Congress Committee 
has actually made such a rule, and has appealed 
for at least 1,000 spinners prepared to make to 
the Congress an annual donation of 10,000 yards 
of yarn. The Gandhi Seva Sangh members donat- 
ed in five days one-fourth of the annual sacrifice 
expected of every member of the Congress. 
Hindus, Mussalmans, Christians have all their 
periods of lent. Without being members of any 
Sangh, if they made up their minds to do a 
couple of hours’ spinning on these days of fast- 
ing (or semi-fasting) and prayer, they can easily 
donate in 20 days all that the nation expects of 
them. As regards the other results they are per- 
haps more valuable. Two hours’ silent spinning 
is a healthy spiritual exercise which anyone may 
perform with benefit. It adds to one’s peace 
and mental equipoise and power of concentra- 
tion. And one finds — as I actually found — that 
every day one improves the quality and quantity 
of one’s yarn. The essential is that a silent hour 
or even a half-hour must be set apart for the 
ritual. Lastly, to watch these three hundred odd 
spinners doing their silent spinning for a couple 
of hours was a study in many respects. The in- 
diflferent spinner could compare himself with the 

March 16, 1940 ] 



practised spinner in many ways. The former found 
that he appeared for the ritual less equipped than 
the latter — he forgot to examine his wheel before 
he came, he had no spare string, he had no oil 
and had to borrow it from his neighbour, he had 
to interrupt his spinning often because of these 
lapses, and his thread broke oftener than that 
of the others. A careful practice is thus bound 
to make one precise, methodical and careful 
not only in spinning but in every detail of life. 

Prafuilahahus Battalion 

From this point of view the pledge taken by 
Prafullababu’s co-workers, numbering about three 
hundred, of spinning 60,000 yards per year is 
significant. If they do their spinning regularly, 
methodically, and in a proper religious spirit, 
the three hundred can easily increase to a bat- 
talion of 1,000. These may or may not become 
Congress members, they will certainly not think of 
having any responsible positions in the Congress, 
but they will qualify themselves as members of 
the non-violent army that Gandhiji is looking 
forward to before he can advise the country — 
if indeed he has to — to launch civil disobedi- 
ence. In fact as a matter of preparation it may 
be well to expect every captain of a battalion 
to certify that every unit in it has done regular 
and ritual spinning for at least some months. If 
we are in right earnest, we can organise spinning 
on this basis everywhere, and the certificates 
would be enough guarantee that those who hold 
them will go through the fire without infringing 
their creed in any way. The soldiers under this 
test may be very few, but the quality will be 
ensured and every risk will be minimised. 

The Exhibition 

The Exhibition was a neat little affair, quite 
useful and educative. The central khadi court 
contained exhibits of the yarn ( and cloth made 
out of it ) spun by numerous workers in Bengal. 
Some of the samples were as high as 40 counts. 
In the centre of the court was a spinner spinning 
80 counts of beautiful even yarn. Most of the 
khadi exhibits were from the various production 
centres of Bengal, and there were among these 
samples of fascinating designs of weaving. 

Among the stalls that surrounded this main 
court the most interesting, in my opinion, was 
the hand-made paper stall showing the actual 
process of pulp-making and paper-lifting by 
indigenous instruments and also of polishing and 
cutting. The raw materials for the pulp were 
varied, quite a novel one being the fibrous 
fruit of the pestilential water-hyacinth of 
Bengal. The paper made out of this fibre 
was the most durable of the samples exhibited 
there. The.» makers were all Mussalmans. 

Among other interesting stalls were the pottery 
and the silk stalls. The latter showed the actual 
process of silk-rearing and silk-spinning. One 
wondered how the man in charge of boiling 
cocoons was quickly collecting the threads from 
the boiling water. Dr. Prafulla Ghosh was put 
in mind of the famous Bunsen who handled red 

hot liquid glass, and thought of the day when 
we too may have our Bunsens from these wield- 
ers of village crafts which are now being revived. 
There were women showing different processes of 
spinning waste-silk, resembling the making of 
vermicelli. There was the quicker way and the 
slower way, the organisers expecting the women 
employing the latter method to copy the former. 
The pottery stall showed the Bengal village 
pottery at its best. A potter’s family was there 
making various samples, and there w^as a small 
kiln attached to the stall showing the process 
of baking and enamelling and polishing. When 
I thought of the miserable pottery at Segaon 
( Sevagram ) and also of the ineflBcient carpentry 
and masonry, at the same time, I wondered if we 
could not organise interprovincial tours for our 
craftsmen. From Darjeeling and its neighbourhood 
had been brought two Bhudya women busy with 
their wool and indigenous dyes, and their hand- 
made blanket was one of their proud exhibits. 
Another interesting stall was the conch-bangle 
stall. Making of bangles from conches ( imported 
from the Coromandel coast) is a speciality of 
Dacca. A stall, quite interesting for the farmer,, 
was the one put up by the Dhakeshwari Cotton 
Mill, demonstrating the possibility of the grow- 
ing of the high-staple cotton in Bengal. There 
was little cotton being grown in Bengal, except 
in parts of the Tippera district. Experiments 
had now been successfully made, and it had 
been found that cotton of 1 to 1-J inch staple 
could be produced in Bengal. A pamphlet issued 
in Bengali by Shri Subinoy Bhattacharya of the 
Bengal Millowners* Association was being freely 
distributed. This shows details of places grow- 
ing cotton plants 4 feet high, with 60 bolls to 
each plant, and producing cotton of 7/8 to 1 
inch staple, plants growing 7 feet high, with ISO 
bolls, and producing cotton of a li to inch 
staple, and plants growing 7 feet high, with as 
many as 262 bolls, and producing cotton of 1^'' 
to 1^" staple. The seeds can be had on appli- 
cation to the Second Economic Botanist, Bengal^ 
P. O. Tejgaon, Dacca. 

Other interesting stalls which had nothing to 
do with the crafts were the sanitation and 
hygiene stalls with instructive and interesting, 
charts in Bengali, which are very essential in 
every exhibition meant for the villager, looking to 
the heavy toll taken every year by malaria, kala 
azaar, and cholera. These proved very attractive,. 

The New President 

Shri Kishorelal Mashruwala’s successor as presi- 
dent of the altered Sangh is Shri Shrikrishnadas 
Jajuji. As unobtrusive and unassuming as his 
predecessor he is perhaps less contemplative 
and more practical. He had a brilliant academic 
career, having won first class honours every- 
where, and was a lawyer of repute, but gave up 
practice years ago and has been giving all his 
time to public work. He is a member of the 
A. I. V. I. A. Board, was president of it until 
a little while ago, and is president of the 



[March 16, 1940 

Maharashtra Charkha Sangh. He belongs to the 
Mar wadi community, and his speech in reply 
to the reception given to him by his community 
in Calcutta, on return from Malikanda, was 
quite characteristic of his life and thought. This 
is a free translation of what he said in Hindi : 

“When I address meetings of poor agricul- 
turists I ask them to learn how to add to their 
scanty income. But when I am in front of a 
Marwadi audience, I ask them to find out ways 
and means of reducing the burden of their 
wealth. They are ‘ cursed ’ with ‘ great posses- 
sions and it would be a blessing for them to 
reduce them and to learn a little sacrifice. And 
in this connection I should like to leave a 
thought with you. I give a much higher place 
to sacrifice than to donating out of superficial 
wealth. Therefore the more we reduce our 
ill-gotten gains the better for us. Then there 
are many of you who regard yourselves as sana- 
tanists and believers in Varnashramadharma. If 
you belief in the four ashramas, it behoves 
you after having made your pile as householders 
grihasthas — to be trustees for what you have 
earned, by taking to vmaprasthashram. ” 

As one who endeavours to live up to his 
principles he is a worthy successor of Kishore- 
lalbhai, and one may fully hope that the Sangh 
with its new ideals and new plan of work will 
flourish under his guidance. ( Concluded ) 

Sevagram, 11-3-40 Mi D. 


( By M. K- Gandhi ) 

Thus writes a very responsible Englishman to 
a common friend. The receiver sends it to me 
for answer: 

“ I have just been reading with very real concern 
the text of the resolution which the Working Com- 
mittee adopted yesterday. I am writing as a very 
■ordinary Englishman who has been interested in India 
for a good many years. One of my pleasantest dis- 
coveries out here has been to find a much closer 
affinity in outlook between Indians and Englishmen 
than I . had ever ventured to expect. I do not 

, believe that my sympathy with or attitude towards 
Indian .aspirations is in any way peculiar to myself: 
the views I hold, even if they are not those of the 
older type of 1. C. S. or Army officer, are pretty 

generally held by a large number of Englishmen. 
I can speak with some confidence on this point 
as I am in fairly close touch with several people 
who exercise some influence over English opinion 
and have been working with increasing success 

to create an atmosphere favourable to granting 

India’s demand for full dominion status. What are 
we to make of the Committee’s latest move and of 
what appears to be the rather sudden and drastic 

change from a demand for dominion status to one 
for complete independence ? I have far too great 
a respect for Gandhi ji and the other Congress 
leaders I have met to believe it is either bluff or 
arises from a hasty resentment at our regrettably 
unforthcoming attitude during the early negotiations. 
They ought to know us well enough by now to 
realise how difficult we find it to do the handsome 
thing in a handsome way; and yet on the whole 
I- think it is our manners which are at fault more 
often than our intentions. 

If, therefore, the resolution must be taken to 
mean what it says and we are invited to remove 
ourselves bag and baggage forthwith, I cannot help 
asking you very seriously whether you are really 
able to rule India without any help from us. 
When I was up on the Frontier last summer I 
met a number of large and fierce gentlemen who 
were literally gloating at the prospect of enjoying 
themselves at India’s expense once the English were 
gone. There are also, I believe, other parties who 
would not hesitate to exploit the difficulties of the 
new Indian Republic. Non-violence is, I admit, a 
powerful weapon against people with some prejudices 
against the physical coercion of those who do not 
defend themselves, but I doubt its effectiveness 
against those who regard the whole idea with 
contempt. Can you keep these forces in order 
or are we to contemplate handing India over to ad* 
ministrative chaos and possible, even probable, civil 
war? You may say that that is your affair and if 
such difficulties arise you will deal with them in 
your own way» but that does not ease my mind. 
I am not concerned to defend either the circumstan- 
ces under which we got control over India in 
view of her defenceless condition in the latter part 
of the 18th century some other Power would no doubt 
have taken advantage of it, if we had not — nor 
the way we have treated her since, for the worse 
our record may be made to appear the more incum- 
bent it is upon us, in my opinion, not to divest our- 
selves of our responsibilities, of the penalties of our 
own misdeeds if you like, until there is an equally 
stable as well as a more enlightened administration 
ready to take over from us. I know that if I heard 
six months after we left India that Hindus and 
Muslims were killing one another in the face of an 
impotent government, I should not feel without blame, 
and I am certain that many Indians and other people 
as well would point to it as the evil legacy of British 
domination. I cannot therefore persuade myself that 
we English can fairly leave India until we have put 
her in a position to stand firmly on her own feet. 
When that time comes I will go gladly. I believed 
it was coming soon but my experience does not 
suggest that it has arrived yet. As dominion status 
seems to me to be a long step towards it, why is 
it unacceptable? 

May I turn to another point ? Progressive opinion 
in England, which will probably become more or less 
permanently in the ascendant after the war, provided 
that we win, is I believe genuinely anxious to see 
justice done to India, but it is even more anxious 
that the cause for which we are now fighting shall 

March 16, 1940 ] 



prevail. I kaow the East End of London fairly 
'well and I can assure you that it is the purest 
nonsense to say that the electors of Silver town are 
fighting or voting to bolster up British Imperialism . 
They realise that we are up against evil things and 
that life even under the conditions of dockland is a 
better thing than it would be under Nazism. They 
know too, or if they do not I am afraid they 

will know before they are much older, that 

this is going to be a desperate struggle and 

that victory, if and when it does come, will 

have been bought at a terribly high price. How 
-are they going to feel towards those people in India 

who by trying to obstruct our war effort at this 

critical stage did their best to give that little 

push to the scales that might well have meant 

defeat ? 

You may say, ‘What do we owe to England 
and what do we care whether she is defeated or 
not ? This is the opportunity we have been waiting 

for and we mean to take it. * May I look at such 

an argument quite objectively ? Civil disobedience 

and the troubles to which it will certainly 
give rise will embarrass us seriously and cause 

exasperation, if not much worse, between people 
who ought to be friends, but I do not see how by 
itself it is going to get rid of us, particularly when 
we are mobilised. If it is unsuccessful and we win 
the war in spite of it, the very people who I firmly 
believe would have recognised India's forbearance to 
add to our difficulties in the most generous way 
will feel a resentment which it will take a genera- 
tion to dissipate. If on the other hand you are 
able to make us lose the war, do you really believe 
that the Germans or Russians will either keep their 
hands off India or will be more active in giving 
her complete independence than we have been ? If 
your answer is ‘no’, then would you sooner be 
mled by Nazis or Bolsheviks than by us ? 

I do believe I have been honestly sympathetic 
towards Congress aspirations and so far as my 
limited experience goes have tried honestly to inter- 
pret them to friends in England. But this latest 
'development I cannot understand or justify either 
on grounds of logic or even of expediency. Can you 
■help me ? I know I shall be getting enquiries from 
home before long and should like to answer them 
fairly. At the same time while the generals are 
manoeuvring, is there any way in which a private 
soldier like myself could be of assistance ? There is 
so much goodwill in danger of being wasted.” 

The letter represents the thoughts of many 
Englishmen who are well disposed towards the 
Congress. And yet it betrays a tragic ignorance 
of Indian thought. Thus the writer says, “What 
are we to make of the Committee’s latest mov e 
and of what appears to be the rather sudden 
and drastic change from a demand for Dominion 
Status to one for Complete Independence ? ” 
-Now Complete Independence has been the 
definite goal of the Congress since 1929, and 
has been repeated every year from thousands 
of platforms. From that year to this the 
Congress has never even so much as mention- 

ed Dominion Status. There is therefore no 
change whatsoever in the Congress demand. The 
question of suddenness or drasticness simply 
does not arise. Confusion arises from my 
oft-quoted letter to Mr. Hy. S. L. Polak where- 
in I said in 1937 that, if Dominion Status with 
the right to secede was offered, I for one would 
accept it. I had no authority to bind anyone 
else to that statement. Needless to say the offer 
was never made. Whatever may be said of me, 
no charge of change of policy can be brought 
against the Congress. So far as I am concerned 
I have changed. Experience since gained and 
maturer reflection have led me to think that 
Dominion Status even of the Statute of West- 
minster variety cannot suit India’s case. I have 
only recently given my reasons for the change 
of opinion which I need not repeat here. 

When the writer thinks that India cannot 
yet stand on her own legs, he has not even 
Dominion Status in contemplation. For Dominion 
Status is nothing if it does not mean the ability 
of the Dominion in question to stand by itself. 

What the Congress has definitely asked for is 
Britain’s declaration that it will give effect to 
the decisions of a duly elected Constituent 
Assembly. In other words, Britain should recog- 
nise the right of India without any outside 
interference or influence to determine her own 
future. It may be even Dominion Status. It 
may be less than Independence or a modified 
form of it. It may also be Complete Independ- 
ence. The Congress will not lower its flag. 
But the Constituent Assembly is not synonymous 
with the Congress. This Assembly will include 
representatives of all parties who can secure 
suflScient votes. Therefore all minorities will be 
represented in their full strength. 

It is a great pity that even the best of 
Englishmen are, as a rule, wofully ignorant of 
the Indian claim. They are too self-satisfied to 
take the trouble of studying the Indian case. They 
will not read nationalist papers. They take their 
opinions from the Anglo-Indian papers which 
themselves generally betray amazing ignorance 
about the thoughts, aspirations and acts of 
nationalist India. It has been the lot of the 
Congress to be misrepresented from its incep- 
tion. I suggest that responsible Englishmen should 
meet, say, the best known Congressmen of the 
left and the right schools of thought, and I 
promise that much misunderstanding will bq 
removed. It may be that even then there will 
be honest differences of opinion. These will 
always exist. 

The writer dreads to think what will happen 
to India if Englishmen were to vacate the 
country bag and baggage. Such a contingency is 
inconceivable in a non-violent struggle. The end 
of non-violent action is a friendly settlement. If 
he means ‘ merely the English soldiers, they will 
certainly go if they will not serve Independent 
India or if they are not wanted because they arc 
too expensive or for any other cause. It must 


HARIJAN [ MaeCH 16, 1940 

not be forgotten that the Indian struggle is 
not anti-British, it is anti-exploitation; anti- 
foreign-rule, not anti-foreigners. Underlying the 
writer’s fear is the possibility of India deciding 
upon something beyond its capacity. This honest 
English belief in the incapacity of India to come 
to a sane judgment or to defend herself against 
civil war or foreign aggression is perhaps the 
greatest stumbling block in the way of an 
honourable settlement. If the fear is justified, 
the only antidote is to run the risk and let 
India learn wisdom and the art of self-defence 
by becoming free. Any other course means 
almost perpetual helplessness and foreign domi- 
nation. Surely it is better for India, England 
and the world that a helpless sub-continent 
runs the greatest risk for coming into its own 
than that in its sickness it becomes a dead 
weight to itself and the world. The distinguished 
writer; seems to admit the wrong Britain has 
done. It will not be undone by Britain being 
the judge of India’s destiny and cherishing the 
distant hope that one day India will be fit 
enough to shoulder full responsibility for internal 
and external defence. The very argument advanc- 
ed by the writer against India determining her 
future seems to me to be conclusive for ending 
British rule at the earliest moment possible. 

If the position taken up by me is the correct 
one, the Nazi or Bolshevik menace can have no 
meaning for nationalist India, especially as its 
defence is rooted in non-violence. 

But the writer evidently has no faith in non- 
violence of the strong. I must wholly disagree 
with him when he says, “Non-violence, I admit, 
is a powerful weapon against people with some 
prejudices against the physical coercion of those 
who do not defend themselves, but I doubt its 
efficacy against those who regard the whole idea 
with contempt.” The real test of non-violence lies 
in its being brought in contact with just those 
who have contempt for it. The writer would be 
right if he were to say that such unadulterated 
non-violence has not yet been used by the Con- 
gress. The answer would be that I am trying 
my utmost to present India and through it 
the world with a completed example of non- 
violence. I may fail. But I invite Englishmen 
to assist the experiment if they have even a 
faint belief in the possibility of the exercise of 
such non-violence. 

With the poor opinion the writer has of the 
working of non-violence, it is no wonder that 
he trembles at the thought, when the British 
retire from India, “of a number of large and 
fierce gentlemen who were literally gloating at 
the prospect of enjoying themselves at India’s 
expense once the English were gone." Is it 
like^ that an assembly of elected men and women 
who had such a feeu: would sign their death 
warrant by asking the English to retire in 
order that they may be devoured by “ large and 
fierce gentlemen” of the Frontier? I suggest to 
the writer that, if and when the Engiich 

retire, both the Muslims and the Hindus will 
find it profitable to live in peace as they 
used to do before the British advent. If there 
had been perpetual quarrels, one or the other 
would have been wiped out. When real inde- 
pendence comes to India, Congresses and Leagues 
will be nowhere unless they represent the real 
opinion of the country. The presence of the 
British bayonet has created an artificial condition 
which suppresses the natural play of human 
action and demoralises both the suppressed and 
the suppressors. Let me also add that the 
presence of the British forces has not prevented 
riots such as were seen in Sukkur or kidnap- 
pings and raids on the Frontier. Whatever 
success the forces achieve is after the events 
have happened. The sufferers are no better off 
for the punitive measures, nor is it possible to 
say that at least in the majority of such cases 
full reparation is made. 

That the Congress resistance at this stage 
will embitter the English mind and will be 
remembered against India, is a possibility. But 
my own experience of human nature, not 
excluding the British, is that bitternesses are 
forgotten when parties wish to come together. 
The suggestion presupposes the crushing of 
civil disobedience. There is no such thing in 
the civil disobedience dictionary. If there is 
violence, it will certainly be crushed because 
violence can only end in a disgraceful rout. 
There never has been previous preparation; 
the people themselves will be bewildered. They 
would not know what to do. But if, in 
spite of all the precautions I may take for a 
non-violent struggle, bitterness is still to be the 
residue, even that risk has to be run. Before 
the throne of the Almighty man will be judged 
not by his acts but by his intentions. For God 
alone reads our hearts. Freedom’s battles are not 
fought without paying heavy prices. Just as man 
would not cherish the thought of living in a 
body other than his own, so do nations not like 
to live under other nations however noble and 
great the latter may be. Englishmen who are 
undergoing tremendous sacrifices for preserving 
their freedom should not fail to appreciate India’s 
travail. The Congress does not say, "Give us 
Congressmen what we want.” It says to the 
Rulers, “Not you but the elected representatives 
of the nation should decide its fate.” If such a 
reasonable proposition is circumvented, what 
should the Congress do ? 

Sevagram, 11-3-40 

Some Recent Books Price Postage 
S, K. George — Gandhi’s Challenge to 

J. C. Kumarappa — C. P, Industrial 
Survey Repot Part I Vol. I 
ji II » I 

I „ , II 

Thakkar Committee’s Report 
C. P. Sweepers’ condition 
Available at (l) Harijan office- 














office ”67 & 81 Queen’s Road, Bombay 2. 

Poona 4 ; (2) Harijan 



March 16, 1940 ] 


Playisrg Providence 

Mr. Braiisford, the eminent publicist, has in a 
recent article explained with remarkable clarity 
the reason of the breakdown of the Delhi nego- 
tiations. Gandhiji’s brief explanation, he says, 
has unfortunately not been understood even 

in the Labour Party and so he offers further 
explanation ; 

“ The central issue on which the negotiations at 
Delhi broke down is as vital as it is elementary. 
Who is to be the architect of the political structure 
within which Indians are to live ? Are we to design 
it for them, or are they to plan it for themselves ? 
They claim to be a nation. This promise of Domb 
nion Status means that we concede their claim. 

Very well, then, how do we treat other nations in 
a comparable situation ? We hope, in the event of 
victory, to bring liberty to the Austrians. It would 
never enter our heads to draw up a constitution 
for them at Westminster or in Paris. They must 
decide for themselves whether they wish to remain 
a part of Germany, recovered, as we hope, 

for democracy, or to form a separate State. 

Is it to be a Republic ? That ip their affair. We 
may have our wishes and opinions, but they 
must settle all this, and much more, for themselves 
at Vienna. And as a matter of course, we should 
concede as much even to nations less entitled to 
our respect than Austrians. But in the case of 
India it is fixed as an obstinate principle in our 
rulers' minds that God’s Englishman must plan 
the house in which Indians are to live. Our Civil 
Servants will do the drafting. Our Parliament clause 
by clause will debate the Bill. The votes of white 
men responsible to the electors of Govan and 
Clapham and Cardiff will decide whether India shall 
have two chambers or one, a wide or a propertied 
franchise. .. .It is too late in the day for us to play 
Providence to this awakened nation. Indians will not 
submit to our paternal authority. They stand for 
‘ self-determination ' — the right to choose for them- 
selves the type of government under which they 
shall rule themselves.” 

An Analogy 

In a very long article on Pandit Jawaharlal 
Nehru in Life, one of America’s most widely 
read journals, Mr. and Mrs, Gunther sum up 
the case for India. Barring a statement or phrase 
here and there in the Americanese it is a most 
lucid statement of the Indian case and must 
make the Britisher pause to see how Americans 
view our case, ” While the British fight for 
democracy in Europe, they deny full democracy 
to 350,000,000 Indians who want freedom. Every- 
one knows how exceptionally difficult it is for 
the Allies to state their war aims. But India 
should be a test case for war aims when the 
time comes for stating them, ” the authors say. 
Then they put down what they describe as 
“ an extreme statement of the Indian case, such 
as one that Nehru might make.” There is, 
however, no extreme-ness about it, for it is 
a perfect picture of the condition of things in 

India. “ An analogy might be a Japanese 
occupation of the United States, ” they say, 
trying to put themselves in the Indians’ posi- 
tion. “ Suppose that the United States should 
crumble into decay, and succumb to civil war 
between rival American States, Suppose then 
that the Japanese, residents of a distant land, 
should invade America, restore order, make 
treaties with various local authorities and main- 
tain an armed occupation of the land, finally 
permitting the Americans a limited degree of 
local autonomy. Suppose that the Japanese flag 
flew in Washington, and that the Japanese 
Viceroy were solely responsible for the conduce 
of foreign affairs, finance, law and order. Suppose 
that the Japanese milked America of its colossal 
industrial production and national income and 
meantime starved education. Suppose, finally, it 
established swanky clubs which no American 
could enter, encourged pro-Japanese puppets 
among disloyal Americans, and inflicted on 
Americans a stingently organised Japanese Civil 
Service. Then suppose the Japanese should 
become involved in a war with, say, Britain. 
Would the American subjects of Japan be 
loyal to Japan ? Or would they not ?” 

The Civil Service 

The Gunthers have in the hypothetical analogy 
rightly referred to the ” stringently organised 
Civil Service” in India. This -is an item in the 
fourfold ruin of India which critics will do 
well to bear in mind. A writer in The Tiew 
Review, a monthly issued by the Jesuit 
Fathers in India, gives a detailed account of 
the Indian Civil Service. “ Though it is now a 
high and exalted service,” says the writer, “the 
Indian Civil Service has had a humble origin in 
the factors and writers of the East India Com- 
pany ( who ) later became civil servants.... 

The salaries of these servants were very low. 
The writers were paid £ 5 a year, the factors 
£ 15, junior merchants £30, and senior merchants 
£40; while the Governor received the princely salary 
of £300.” In about a hundred years, i.e. in 1793, 
this Service became the ' Covenanted Civil Service 
of India’, in contradistinction to the lower un- 
covenanted service to which alone Indians were 
admitted. The ‘ low ’ salaries led the Civil 
Servants to engage in private trade and to 
accept ‘ presents and when for years in spite 
of orders prohibiting these the abuses continued 
the salaries were increased. And yet Lord 
Cornwallis, having “ no faith in the integrity 
and moral standards of Indians, adopted the 
policy of getting everything done by European 
agency. All the higher posts were reserved 
to Europeans, and Indians had to be satisfied 
with subordinate posts.” The salaries were 
raised in order to minimise the possibilities 
of corruption among the Europeans, and yet 
it was integrity and ethics of Indians that 
were questioned. “ It was Cornwallis who 
raised the salaries of the Civil Servants to a 
very high level, thus burdening the country with 



[ March 16, 1940 

one of the most, if not the most, expensive Civil 
Service in the world. ..Civil Servants had to live 
on a level commensurate with the level set up 

by the Nawabs In addition to salary the Civil 

Servants were given a commission of li per cent 
on the revenue collections. This meant that a 
collector could earn in all about Rs. 3,000 a 
month as long ago as the closing years of the 
eighteenth century.” That is to say a collector 
over a hundred and fifty years ago was earning 
ten times the salary drawn by a European 
Governor in 1674, and which salary along with 
other salaries detailed above were fixed accord- 
ing to the conditions of life in India, The 
recent history of the Civil Service with Civilian 
Governors drawing as much as Rs. 10,000 per 
month, with the “ Lee loot ’ scandal and so on, 
is well known. 

This Service, which as a critic has said is 
neither Indian, nor civil, nor service, and which 
being on the one hand the heaviest economic 
drain on India has been on the other hand 
almost wholly responsible for the continuance of 
the stranglehold on India, is a moral outrage 
without a parallel in history, and by itself 
provides a case for atonement by Britain. 

Sevagram, 12-3-40 M. D. 


Jaiprakash Narayan 

The arrest of Shri Jaiprakash Narayan is 
unfortunate. He is no ordinary worker. He is 
an authority on socialism. It may be said that 
what he does not know of Western socialism 
nobody else in India does. He is a fine fighter. 
He has forsaken all for the sake of the deliver- 
ance of his country. His industry is tireless. His 
capacity for sujffering is not to be excelled. I 
do not know what speech has brought him 
within the law. But if 124 A or the highly 
artificial sections of the Defence of India Act 
are to be inspanned for catching inconvenient 
persons, then any person whom the authorities 
want can be easily brought within the law. I 
have said before now that it is open to the 
Government to precipitate a crisis if they wish 
to. They have every right to do so. But I 
have hugged the hope that the fight will be 
allowed to develop along its natural course so 
long as it keeps strictly non-violent. Let there 
be no camouflage. If Shri Jaiprakash Narayan 
is guilty of violence, violence should be proved. 
What the arrest has done is to make the people 
believe that the British Government want to 
force the issue. History will then have repeated 
itself. During the first Civil Disobedience the 
Government had forced the issue by arresting the 
Ali Brothers. Is this arrest a prearranged plan, 
or is it a blunder committed by an over-zealous 
oflScer? If it is the latter, it should be set right. 

Sevagram, 12-3-40 

" Khadi Banks ’ 

A correspondent writes : 

I believe in khadi. So I must use it. But 
my means are limited. So I made it a point to 

lay aside Re. 1 per month. Yet I am afraid the 

saving is within easy reach of pressing needs. So 

I conceive a scheme of ‘ Khadi Banks’. Not only 
does the scheme show how the saving could be 

effectively turned by purchasers to ensure purchases 
of khadi but also to ensure a device of cheapening 
khadi to the purchasers without in any way injuring 
the interests of the wage-earners. 

All those who are khadi-lovers and all those who 
cannot afford to save enough to make khadi 
purchases at a time may patronise such banks. An 
amount of money be deposited at a time or at suitable 
intervals with a certified A. I. S. A. khadi bhandar. 
Such a bank would differ from a money bank in 
that the money once deposited cannot be withdrawn 
except through khadi purchase equivalent in value. 
The A. I. S, A. may issue hundi books to such 
customers who may from time to time draw hundis 
of appropriate denominations on the bhandars and 
purchase khadi. 

The advantages of having such banks are obvious 
and important both from the purchasers’ and wage- 
earners’ point of view. Thus, if the khadi-lovers all 
over the country take into their head to patronise 
such banks, ( i ) it is obvious that the A. 1. S. A. 
would be in a position to guarantee the wages of 
the wage-earners. The extent of such security might 
vary; (ii) it is equally obvious that the interest 
earned by the A. I. S. A. would be capitalised and 
utilised towards reduction of the cost of khadi to- 
purchasers without in any way injuring the wages 
of the wage-earners. Thus the purchasers get cheap- 
ened khadi in lieu of interest on their advances. 
Therefore, I think, the proper working of such khadi 
banks may prove a useful device in lowering the 
prices of khadi without loss to the wage-earners. 

I do not know how far the above suggestion is 
practicable. So I request you to give your weighty 
consideration to it. If you think it worth your 
reply, kindly put it through the columns of Harijan 
for the benefit of the general public.” 

The suggestion reads attractive. Let the 
A. I, S. A. experts consider it. If the purchasers 
will forego interest and a sufficient number 
subscribe, it should be possible to cheapen 

Sevagram, 11-3-40 M. K. G- 


Question Box 

Gandhi Seva Sangh — III ... 
For Englishmen 
Occasional Notes 

Jaiprakash Narayan 
‘Khadi Banks’ 


M. K. Gandhi 41 
M. D. 42' 
M. K. Gandhi 44 
M. D. 47 

M. K. G. 43 
M. K. G. 48 

Printed and Published by Vithal Hari Barve at the Aryabhushan Press. 915/1 Fergusson College Road, Poona 4 
Snbicription Rates — INLAND ; One year, Rs. 4, Six months, Rs. 2-8, FOREIGN : One year, Rs. 5-8 or, 8 ah. or 2 $. 

aeg. No. B 3092 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 


Q. You have, I fear, evaded the question 
of Princes. Generally you go straight to your 
subject, but somehow or other you seem to 
have walked round this subject. 

A. Apparently, but not really, there is some 
truth in the taunt. The fact is that the Princes 
have never before now been presented as a 
difficulty. They are a new arrow from the British 
quiver. It is British India that is fighting for free- 
dom. The States people axe fighting their own battle 
in their own States against overwhelming odds. 
The people in the States and in British India 
are one. For them the artificial boundaries do 
not exist. But for the administrators the bound- 
aries are very real. British law has allowed 
Princes to regard as foreigners people from British 
India going to the States or people from one 
Scate to another. And yet Princes exist only on 
British sufferance; They cannot move without 
British permission. Their heirs have to be 
approved by the British Raj, Their tuition is also 
under the same supervision. They can be deposed 
at will. Thus so far as the British control is 
concerned, they are worse off than the ordinary 
British subject. But so far as their people are 
concerned, the Princes have unlimited control 
over them. They can imprison them at wiU 
and even put them to death. Theoretically 
British Raj has a duty by the people also. But 
it is rarely exercised. Therefore the people of 
the States labour under a double handicap. It 
must be clear to you from the foregoing narra- 
tive that the Congress cannot influence the 
Princes except through the British Government. 
Indeed the latter will not permit any real 
approach to the Princes. I personally do not 
desire the extinction of the Princely order. But 
I do want the Princes to recognise the signs 
of the times and shed a large part of their 
autocracy. In spite of the powerful British 
bayonet, the march of the people of both the 
Indies' cannot be stayed. I am hoping that the 
combined wisdom of all, including the Princes 
and the present rulers, will prevent the march 
from running mad, which ' it is bound to do 
unless a smooth passage is made for it. I am 
putting forth the best non-violent effort I can, 
but my non-violence, because of my imperfections, 
may fail I ask for the helping hand of those who 
would see India win her goal without a blood bath. 

But if the Princes will not listen, I do not 
ask for their coercion. Let British India have 
her independence, and I know, the Princes know, 
that true freedom of British India means free- 
dom of their people also. For as I have said 
the two are one. No power on earth can keep 
them in separation for all time. 

Use of Force against Muslims 

Q. You talk of complete independence from 
Britain and at the same time of settling the 
question of minorities through a Constituent 
Assembly. This means that, if Muslims do not 
listen to you, you would want to use British 
forces to compel them to submit to your will. 

A. This question simply ignores my own 
position and, so far as I know, the Congress 
position. The Congress cannot want independ- 
ence and the use of British forces at the same 
time. But that is not all. The Congress will not 
coerce Muslims or any minority. That would not 
be a non-violent approach. The greatest coercion 
is British coercion. And the Congress is impatient 
to get out of that coercion. My hope in desir- 
ing a Constituent Assembly is that whether the 
Muslims are represented by the Muslim League 
mentality or any other, the representatives when 
they are face to face with the reality will not 
think of cutting up India according to religions 
but will regard India as an indivisible whole 
and discover a national, i. e. Indian, solution 
of even specially Muslim questions. But if the 
hope is frustrated, the Congress cannot forcibly 
resist the express will of the Muslims of India. 
Needless to say the Congress can never seek the 
assistance of British forces to resist the vivisec- 
tion. It is the Muslims who will impose their 
will by force singly or with British assistance on 
an unresisting India. If I can carry the Con- 
gress with me, I would not put the Muslims to 
the trouble of using force. I would be ruled 
by them for it would still be Indian rule. In 
other words, the Congress will have only a 

non-violent approach to every question and 
difficulty arising. But just as it is possible that 
Muslim representatives to the Constituent Assem- 
bly may wear another hue than that of the 
Muslim League, it is also possible that the others 
may be non-Congressmen. In that event, the 
British will be where they are, only they will 
be wooed by both the parties alternately and 
will remain the architects of India's destiny. 

For then, with the Congress swept away, 

non-violence will be blown to the winds and 



[ March 23, 1940 

naturally the infinitely superior violence of the 
British aided by the willing co-operation of the 
wooing party will easily rule India. For the 
only force matched against British force is 
that of non-violence, incomplete though it is, 
of the Congress. 

Neglect of Sanskrit 

Q. Do you know that the Patna University 
has practically tabooed the study of Sanskrit? 
Do you approve of the step ? If you do not, 
will you express your opinion in Harijan ? 

A. I do not know what the Patna University 
has done. But I quite agree with you that the 
study of Sanskrit is being sadly neglected. I 
belong to a generation which believed in the 
study of the ancient languages. I do not believe 
that such a study is a waste of time and eflEbrt. 
I believe it is an aid to the study of modern 
languages. This is truer of Sanskrit than of any 
other ancient language so far as India is con- 
cerned, and every nationalist should study it 
because it makes a study of the provincial lan- 
guages easier than otherwise. It is the language 
in which our forefathers thought and wrote. No 
Hindu boy or girl should be without a know- 
ledge of the rudiments of Sanskrit, if he will 
imbibe the spirit of his religion. Thus the 
Gayatri is untranslatable. No translation can give 
the music of the original which I hold has a 
meaning all its own. The Gayatri is but one 
example of what I have said. 

Ramgarh, 17-3-40 

(By M. K. Gandhi^ 

Shrimati Rajkumari Amrit Kaur writes : 

“ Recently the women assembled at the Annual 
Session of the All India Women’s Conference passed 
a resolution expressing their faith in khadi as a 
means of economic relief to our poor sisters, and 
pledged themselves to try to use it as far as 
possible in their homes and promote its sales. In 
view of this I have recently addressed all our 
Branches and asked them to take up what you 
have termed * sacrificial spinning’ as a practical way 
of helping khadi. If women of the leisured classes 
would spin regularly and give their yarn to the 
A. I. S. A., it could be utilised for sustaining the 
recent increase in the wages of spinners which the 
Association has introduced. These poor women used 
to earn even as low a wage as a pice per day; 
the A. !• S. A. has voluntarily raised it to a pice 
and more per hour and desires it to rise much 
higher. But it cannot do so without the hearty 
co-operation of the well-to-do today, For it has .to 
keep down the price of khadi so that it may remain 
within the purchasing power of the middle classes- 
We shall therefore be rendering a double service to 
the spinner and the khadi buyer. It is ' a tragedy 
,that most of us do not realise that the A. L S. A. 
is in reality an Association for the benefit of women. 
Spinners are women; they live if khadi lives; if we 
can help to raise their earnings to a living wage, 

v/e are at once not only giving them economic 
independence but we also raise the dignity of their 

Through the kind help of Shri Krishnadas Gandhi 
I am able to give the following figures which 
illustrate the material value of the help we could 
easily render to our poor village sisters. 

If a woman spins for an hour daily, she spins 
for about 360 hours in the year. Reckoning an 
average speed of 280 yards per hour and approxi- 
mately 2l hanks per week ( a hank being equal to 
840 yards ), she would be contributing 10 hanks per 
month and 120 per annum. The value of this yarn 
works out at 12 As- to 14 As. per mensem, and the 
value of the spinning ( an hour daily at the rate of 
wages at a pice per hour ) may be reckoned at 7 
annas approximately. Supposing 3,000 of us joined 
hands, we would be contributing Rs. 2,250 and Rs. 
27,000 worth of yarn per month and per annum 
respectively, the labour of spinning being reckoned 
at Rs. 1,400 a month and Rs. 17,000 in the year. 

If we buy our slivers, we would have to spend 
7 As. a month or Rs. 5-4-0 per annum on them. 
If, however, the art of carding cotton at home and 
making slivers therefrom is cultivated, this expendi- 
ture could be reduced by Rs. 2-4-0 a year, self- 
made slivers involving a cost of 4 As. per month 

or Rs. 3 per annum. Each one of us would thus 

be' contributing labour to the extent of Rs. 7-8-0 
during the year. ( Rs. 2-4-0 in making slivers and 
Rs. 5-4-0 in spinning. ) 

Some sisters have asked me why I am asking 
them to spin rather than contribute their quota in 
cash. While it is open to those who will not spin 
to help by donations, the value of work which 
makes us one in spirit with the poor, which en- 
hances the dignity of all labour, especially women’s 

labour, and which develops within us a love of 
hand-woven and hand-spun cloth as nothing else can 
is something which cannot be reckoned in terms 
of money. 

Girl students in colleges often ask me in what 
way they can serve the country. Each one of them 
could contribute her quota in this manner too. 

I shall be very grateful if you will give your 
blessing and approval to this scheme and thereby 
strengthen my appeal. We ought of course to be 
able to raise many more than 3,000 volunteers to 
join hands in this endeavour. What is 3,000 for a 
huge country like ours, if we have the love of 
service in us ? And of course it should be incumbent 
on those who can give longer hours of labour to do 
so. Those who wish to join this ‘ brigade ’ may send 
their names and addresses to me, and I will inform 
them as to where they can give in their yam. 

I may mention that the figures given have been 
reckoned at present A. I. S. A. rates.” 

I heartily endorse this appeal. It will be a 
shame if even three thousand sisters cannot 
be founfl who would labour for the starving 
millions. It is well that the Rajkumari has laid 
stress on identification with the poor through 
labour willingly and cheerfully done. 

Sevagram, 11-3-40 

MAECE 23, 1940 ] 




Time and Tide is one of the most influentialo 
broad-minded Qjnservative journals in England 
today. The following comments that have appear- 
ed in it vis-a-vis the Hindu Muslim question 
in relation to India’s claim to Independence will 
be read with interest: 

”To the British public who have had the words 
* Hindu ® and ‘ Muslim ’ dinned into their ears until 
India has come to connote little else, this will 
sound helpful, but it raises new questions. There is 
the Hindu-Muslim problem and it is no use shirk- 
ing it. But the Congress standpoint is that its Minis- 
tries did not resign over the communal question, but 
over the question of India’s international status and 
the British Government’s war aims and that the 
Viceroy and the India Office have dragged in the 
Hindu-Muslim problem, much as St. Paul, with far 
more excuse, dragged in the quarrel of the Saddu- 
cees and Pharisees when be found himself in a tight 
corner. Also the India Government, by the exagge- 
rated recognition it has given to what is, after all, 
merely the best organised and largest Muslim group, 
the Muslim League, is held to have deliberately 

exacerbated the problem. The Congress has its own 
internal difficulties like every other group, but the 
difficulties of the Indian Government are likely to 
come to harvest first as the war grows grimmer 
and ever more serious. Finally, there will never be 
any settlement of the Hindu-Muslim problem any 
more than of the Catholic-Protestant problem or of 
the many religious problems of Syria and the 

Balkans. If India has to wait for Dominion Status 

until there is such a settlement, she must wait for 
ever, which many Indians believe is our only interest 
in the problem. All you can get is a convention 

for a specified term of years by which the majority 
community pledges itself to give Muslims such re- 
presentation in excess of their numerical proportion 
as will establish them in the legislatures and the 
public services — until their educational and economic 
progress has made the community able to look 
after itself. ” 

Even more outspoken are the comments of 
The Hatal Witness which is the oldest established 
journal in Natal. The extracts below are from 
its leading article entitled “A cat may look at 
a king” in reply to the London Times' vapour- 

There are fewer tests of the sincerity of Britain 
in her war aims than are to be found outside them. 
Some of the assertions being made on behalf of 
democracy and its defence call from Britain at this 
time ( as well as from South Africa in the same 
connection ) a practical recognition if she ( and we ) 
are not to be advised to practise what we preach 
by those we are not slow to condemn.... The Congress 
Party, it is true, does not represent all India; it- 
would be remarkable, indeed, if, in the diversity of 
faiths and the vastness of the population, any one 
group should enjoy the unanimous support of the 
TOsses. Let it be , said, however, that the party is 
in power in seven of the eleven provinces, and that 

it gained a national majority in the provincial elec- 
tions, and it will be realised that its right to speak 
for India is comparable with that conferred upon 
the Conservative Party to speak for the British 
Commonwealth of Nations. In claiming this right it 
neither ignores nor neglects the several and strong 
minorities in India. Briefly, what its demands envi- 
sage is the acknowledgment by the greater demo- 
cracy Britain of a principle for India not dissimilar 
from the one we are now fighting for in Europe. 
It has discovered already, however, that, if the objec- 
tive of British policy in India is Dominion status, 
a process of self-determined freedom and liberty, the 
granting of it is a slower process than the swift 
call to arms for the defence of the principle else- 

It reasons, as so many people reason, that because 
there are strong minorities in disagreement with the 
Congress Party, it behoves Britain to withhold the 
right it is capable of exercising. It is as if to say 
that because the Conservative Party has facing it a 
strong opposition it must not be allowed to declare 
war or make peace. This stupidity will one day 
prove the undoing of a considerable portion of the 
British Commonwealth of Nations.... If we continue 
to deny those of our own Empire, that are fitted 
for such status and privilege, the right to have more 
than vague assurances for the future, we can expect 
to be dubbed as hypocrites by our enemies in the 

The Times stands for the re-establishment of Poland 
and Czechoslovakia, and at the same time refuses 
the same to a nation fkr more democratically 
inclined than Poland, which did but lately emerge 
from a medieval feudalism, can ever hope to be. 
This is no light matter. It might have thought that 
the leaders of British opinion would pay some criti- 
cal attention to the foundations of belief and faith, 
and on them formulate policy consistent with reitera- 
ted principles and consonant with those ideals for 
which men are called to die at this time 

Let it be said at once that the relation of Britain to 
India merely reflects the relation of the Union to its 
Indians. For anyone with a care for democracy, 
with which goes a concern for political integrity and 
reputation, will find it difficult to appreciate an 
anxiety to defend liberty, freedom, honest dealing 
with the rest of the values now challenged in 
Europe, combined with a complete neglect of those 
same things in our own land. The war, it has been 
said, is a test of our own faith in matters of faith. 
Singularly enough, it is not in Poland or in Czecho- 
slovakia or at the Maginot line, though The Times 
thinks it is, where democracy is to be defended. If 
the cause of the British Commonwealth is to be 
saved, it can only be done by granting those within 
it a full measure of that ordered freedom and self- 
determination we fight to grant those without. The 
London Times very naturally does not see it that 
way ! ” 

Mahatma Gandhi 

By S. Radbhkrishnan. Rs. 5-10—0. Postage 7 As. 

Available at Harijan office-Poona 4, and 67 & 81 
Queen’s Road, Bombay 2. 

HAEIJAN [ March 23, 1940 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

Last week I dealt with a letter from a well- 
known Englishman who is in India. Now I 
have a letter from a responsible English friend 
in England, from which I give below all that 
the readers need to know: 

“ We are quite certain that no such thing as 
‘ banging the door ’ has happened. The Government 
still anxiously desires a settlement to be reached. 
Even if normally it did not want this, it is bound 
to do so at the present time, in view of the terri- 
fic war in which this country is engaged. The feel- 
ing, however, is growing amongst Government people 
that the Congress is increasingly regarding settle- 
ment’ as meaning what it alone considers right. 
Apart from the fact that that is not of the nature 
of a settlement, but rather of a one-sided dictation, 
I am bound to remind you that a war condition 
does not increase the liberal-mindedness of men, 
but on the contrary tends to strengthen a certain 
fear and rigidity in politics, when men become of 
necessity concentrated on the terrible effort in hand, 
and more and more unable to allow for opposition. 

Hence, if the Congress rejects conciliation and 
follows a line of immovable opposition, it is more 
than probable that the British War Cabinet will do 
the same. The time for peaceful settlement will 
pass — a disaster for both India and Great Britain. 
I need not labour this. Its consequences are obvious. 
But I may say that it is felt here, by many most 
sympathetic to the cause of freedom in India, that 
the Congress is not wise in taking so rigid a posi- 
tion and ignoring the grave and indeed enormous 
problems Great Britain is facing that make so difficult 
a satisfactory answer to the Congress claim. 

India claims her freedom in the sense, first, of 
self-determination. Here the question is asked: What 
is this Government of India that all India wants — 
Congress Party, Muslims and other communities* and 
Princes included ? The Congress demands a Consti- 
tuent Assembly to determine this. But it seems clear 
that before such an Assembly could usefully attempt 
to tackle this question, with any hope of reaching 
agreement, prior work has to be done. Should not, 
first, a small, private but very responsible Conference 
of a dozen representative Indian men work out to 
agreement the main points of the desired constitution ? 

Given that this small Conference was representa- 
tive, and was accepted by both India and Great 
Britain as a responsible body, and given the reach- 
ing of reasonable agreement, , it is practically certain 
that the British Government would accept its 
decision. And it is to be supposed that a National 
Assembly of all India, whatever the minor modifica- 
tions it might desire, would substantially do so too. 

This would not be all that the Congress High 
Command is envisaging. But unless the Congress 
is prepared for war ’ there must be some meeting 
of the views of other parties, and some willingness 
to meet the de Jacto Government on procedure. 

There is a great desire and willingness here to 
reach a solution. Everything demands it, and there 
never was a greater amount of discussion over Bri- 
tish-Indian relations than at the present time. On 
the other hand there is developing a certain grim 
determination not to accept dictation from what, it 
is otherwise agreed of course, is the major political 
party in India, — but whose decision can neither oust 
Great Britain from participation in the solution, nor 
release her from treaties, undertakings and promises. 

The gravity of the situation now is such that I 
most deeply pray you not to turn from the wonder- 
ful path of patient seeking of understanding that 
has always been yours and return to a past situation 
of a kind we both equally hate. 

May I add as a long friend of Indian freedom 
my deep conviction that this struggle must and can 
be ended in friendship and equality — accepting 
all the implications of both those words. For this, 
England has to return to India the domination and 
control she has exercised, not asking a price; and 
India has to claim England’s consent^ not demand 
her surrender. So only can a lasting peace be 
reached. But if this is so, the steps thereto must 
be agreed steps. 

I can well believe that “ the Government 
people” did not wish to bang the door, but 
Lord Zetland’s interview left no room for doubt. 
These were his words : 

“ Referring to Mr. Gandhi’s statement that, if 
the British Government would leave the framing of 
the constitution to Indians themselves, the questions 
of defence, minorities, Princes and European inter- 
ests would automatically be resolved, Lord Zetland 
said that, while be greatly admired Mr. Gandhi’s 
optimism, he was unhappily quite unable to share it 
and felt that, as long as the leaders of the Congress 
maintained their present attitude, the obstacles in 
the way of an honourable understanding would be 
greatly increased. 

Lord Zetland said that it was unfortunate that 
Congress spokesmen made a fetish of the word 
‘ independence *, since he was convinced that this had 
created a false impression in Great Britain of the 
aim which the vast majority of Indians had in 
view. ‘That they desire freedom to govern them- 
selves I do not doubt; that they contemplate India 
swinging from the orbit of British Commonwealth, 

I do not for a moment believe. In a mad world, 
they are far too appreciative of the protection 
afforded to them by the armed strength of Great 
Britain on land and sea.” 

My correspondent is a careful student of 
contemporary events in India. He chooses his 
words before using them. Yet he has evi- 
dently felt unable to correct the impression in 
Government circles that the Congress “ is 
increasingly regarding ‘settlement* as meaning 

^.iARCH 23, 1940 ] KAillJAjS 

what it alone considers right”. The Congress 
has never taken up an uncompromising [attitude 
and within the four corners of its demand has 
always shown its readiness for ‘a settlement’. 
Its demand is unequivocal. It says to the British 
Government: “If you really mean to part with 
power and your war is not for consolidating 
your Empire but for democracy ail round, then 
you will declare India a free country and let a 
Constituent Assembly elected on the basis of 
adult suffrage decide upon the form and content 
of her own Government. No doubt there are 
difficulties, e. g. about defence, about minorities, 
and the Princes. The burden of solving these 
difficulties will be shifted from you to the Con- 
stituent Assembly. If the Assembly cannot solve 
these satisfactorily, it will prove its insolvency. 
You will have done your duty.” Surely in this 
there is no one-sided dictation. 

The writer reminds me of the war condition 
and suggests in effect that it does not improve 
one’s temper. I should say that a problem like 
India is a direct issue in the war; perhaps the 
fortunes of war will turn upon the conduct of 
nationalist India. People engaged in a war do 
not lose temper over matters which affect the 
fortunes of war. 

I have no difficulty in endorsing the sugges- 
tion that some work prior to the Constituent 
Assembly should be done. The writer suggests 
“ a very responsible conference of a dozen 
representatives”. The; difficulty is of choosing 
the representatives. Who will choose them ? 
They cannot command confidence unless they 
are duly elected. Such a committee, so far 
as I can see, can only be appointed by the 
members of the Constituent Assembly. I think 
the day is gone when any party worth the 
name will accept as representatives Government 
nominees as was done at the Round Table 

The Congress has to be and is prepared for 
‘ war ’. But it wants to avoid ‘ war ’. It will 
not wantonly act so as to be the cause of 
endless suffering to the people. The Congress 
is ever ready to “meet the de facto Govern- 
ment on procedure”. Is the latter willing and 
ready to recognise India as a free country? The 
Congress history shows that it has always met 
and is today ready to meet the views of other 
parties on most matters. What it is not ready 
to do is to alter the goal. It must be content 
to be reduced to a hopeless minority for the 
sake of preserving its goal. It is a trust which 
it cannot abandon without being disloyal to its 
past. The end of non-violent ‘war’ is always 
an agreement, never dictation, much less humilia- 
tion of the opponent. There can be no question 
of the Congress asking or expecting Britain to 
dishonour just obligations or treaties. 

What, however, I miss is a sincere desire on 
the part of Britain to do unto India what she 
would wish done to her if the position were 
reversed. The Congress is unreasonable, if it is 

wrong for it to refuse to abate the passion fcr 
feeedom for which Dadabhai laboured, which 
Tiiak taught India to regard as her birthright, 
and for which thousands of men and women 
have cheerfully suffered imprisonment and loss 
of their possessions. If it is allowed as a 
worthy passion, the Congress has no fear as 
to the verdict of being regarded as eminently 
reasonable in everything else. 

Ramgarh, 16-3-40 

A Very Useful Publication 

Shri Satishchandra DasGupta of Khadi Pratis- 
than has just published a volume called Home 
and Village Doctor ( price Rs. 5 cloth-bound, 
Rs. 6 leather-bound). It contains 1384 pages, 
has 18 chapters on the human body, care of 
systems, nutrition, hygiene and sanitation, nursing, 
accidents, home treatment, cheap remedies, dis- 
eases of the various organs, care of pregnant 
mother and child, infectious and constitutional 
diseases as well as those relating specially to 
women. Particular contents are exhaustive, and 
it has a copious index at the end covering 32 
pages. There are 219 instructive illustrations. 
It was during my second imprisonment here 
that I wrote and asked medical friends to give 
me a book after the style of the excellent 
publication Moore’s Family Medicine. I wanted, 
however, something better and more indigenous 
in the sense that a layman serving in villages 
could handle with ease. A book was promised 
but the promise could not be fulfilled. Satish 
Babu came to the rescue and with his amazing 
industry has produced a book which should 
meet my requirements. As he says in his intro- 
duction he would not publish it till I had 
read it through and certified it as satisfactory. 
He supplied me with the chapters as they were 
getting ready; then when he had finished the 
whole volume he bound it and sent it to me. 

I carried it with me for one year or longer 
but could never get the time required. In 
despair I wrote to Satish Babu to publish the 
book as it was. He was quite content to leave 
the work unpublished, but I could not think 
of allowing such labour of love given with 
infinite care to be lost. I confess that I do 
not quite like the bulk of the volume. If I 
could have revised it, probably it would have 
been curtailed. But Satish Babu has erred, if 
he has erred at all, on the safe side. I ' hope 
that every village worker knowing English will 
make it a point to possess a copy which can 
be had from the Khadi Fratisthan, 15 College 
Square, Calcutta.* 

Sev agram, 4 -3-40 M. K. G. 

* Can also be had from the Harijan office ( Poona 
4; and 81 Queen’s Road, Bombay 2 )• Postage 13 As. 
by ordinary post, Re. 1 per V. P. P.. extra. 


The business hours of our Bombay branch are 
now from 11 A. M. to 7—30 P. M. Address: 67 & 81 
Queen’s Road, Bombay 2. Manage 

Xi -fiUCVX^ 

[ iViAKUil 1^40 

0 ‘± 


Non-CoBgress India 

It is Sir Samuel Hoare’s phrase. In his speech 
on the present crisis, he coined it to distinguish 
it from Congress India. It was an expressive 
phrase, but his object was not quite patent in 
his speech. What Lord Zetland and Sir Samuel 
Hoare have said euphemistically Mr. W. P. 
Barton, a retired Civilian, has expressed most 
bluntly in an article in The Quarterly Review^ 
Non-Congressmen, he asserts, are with and for 
the British rule in India, and they represent 
the vast majority. Here are some of the state- 
ments on which, one can now see, the average 
Britisher is fed : 

(1) The Congressmen “ have little or no in- 
fluence with the classes possessing military value”, 
viz. the Muslims of the north, the Sikh pea- 
santry, the Rajputs, the great landowners, the 
Marathas; (2) “Ninety million Moslems contest 
the Congress claim “ ; (3) “ In the States only a 
very small proportion of the Hindu intelligentsia 
in them subscribe to the Congress creed” ; 

(4) “The great community of outcastes (sixty 
million) does not acknowledge the authority of 
the Congress, despite Gandhi's special protection”; 

( 5 ) “ Indian Liberals similarly reject the Congress 
claim to speak for India”; (,6) “The Democratic 
Swaraj Party of Bombay follows the example of 
the Liberals”; (7) “So does the great party of 
Hindu orthodoxy, the Hindu Mahasabha”; (8) 
“The landowning classes throughout India, who 
contributed largely to the Congress victory, are 
now bitterly hostile”; (9) “A non-Brahmin 
( Hindu ) party is opposed to the Congress 
Government of Madras”, 

Mr. Barton has by accident forgotten the 
Parsis and quite a number of other groups, 
though he has made every attempt to be as 
exhaustive as possible. The conclusion which 
Sir Samuel Hoare and Lord Zetland have not 
uttered in so many words is that there is no 
truth in the “Congress claim to represent an 
Indian nation which only exists in its ima- 
gination”, and “it is doubtful if it can claim 
to voice the wishes of a third of the people of 
India.” Why, therefore, Mr. Barton argues, make 
any attempt to treat with the Congress? 

The Naked Reality 

Whatever happens, the Congress “defection” 
is “little likely to prejudice India's war effort”, 
for the whole of non-Congress India is with 

“ Does Gandhi, ” Mr. Barton asks, “ really intend 
to do his best to paralyse India’s war effort, despite 
the admitted fact that with two*thirds of the people 
(rf India on the side of Britain any such attempt 
must inevitably fail? Does he really intend to risk 
the future by a gambler’s throw? It seems unlikely. 
.Gandhi is not a realist, but he cannot overlook the 
fact that he would best , consult the interests of the 
Congress by allowing former Ministers to reassume 
- oflSce and work with Britain relying on British 
support to suppress the left-wing if they attempted 

revolution ... Whatever policy Congress may decide to 
adopt, it is obvious in existing conditions that Britain 
could not possibly comply with Congress demands 
and place it in a position that would give it pre- 
dominance over the Princes and the great Moslem 
community.... Practically the whole Moslem world of 
over 200 million people is giving its moral support 
to France and Britain. It would be sheer insanity 
on the part of Britain and a gross neglect of her 
responsibilities to India to forfeit Moslem support 
by placing the Moslems of India at a disadvantage 
as regards the Hindu majority in the future political 
settlement of India.’* 

The whole position is transparently clear. If 
two-thirds of the people of India were on the 
side of Britain, it would be absurd for the onc- 
third to think that it can paralyse India’s war 
effort. But Mr. Barton is sure that as a matter 
of fact the two-thirds he claims to be with 
Britain are not really so. With Britain’s policy 
of “ divide and rule” and with the help of the 
British bayonet they may be won over perhaps. 
And Gandhiji, if he was the “ astute ” and 
” ambitious ” gambler “ who with his usual 
astuteness had acquired merit by professing 
himself ready to support Britain unconditionally, 
only, of course, with soul force and non-vio- 
lence,” he would certainly purchase the “interests 
of the Congress” from mighty Britain. Luckily 
Gandhiji does not answer to Mr. Barton's 
description. He wants for the Congress predo- 
minance neither over the Princes nor over the 
great Moslem community. He wants freedom 
for all — including the Princes and the Muslims 
— from the yoke of British Imperialism. “Would 
the Congress exist but for British Imperialism ? ” 
asks Mr. Barton. The Congress has proclaimed 
it to the world that it would prefer extinction 
to having anything to do with British Imperial- 
ism. But it goes further and questions the fact 
of the so-called “ non-Congress ” India wanting 
to depend for its existence on British Imperial- 

That question can be automatically decided by 
Britain's declaration of India’s right to frame 
her own constitution by means of a Constituent 
Assembly on which all the parties that Mr. 
Barton has mentioned will have representation. 
To accept that suggestion — we will not call it 
a demand — would be sportsmanlike. To reject 
it would be just not playing the game. That 
Britain has enough physical might everyone 
knows. The Congress would prefer to raise the 
moral question and in the solution of it to be 
extinguished than bend the knee to Imperial 

Missionaries Once Again 

If there is one thing that one can genuinely 
admire in the Missionaries, it is their persistence. 
They know what Gandhiji has to say in 
reply to their stock questions, but they go on 
asking them in the spirit of converting him or, 

I take it, being in their turn converted. A 
group of them saw him at Sevagram the other 

March 23, 1940] 


day. We were busy packing to go to Ramgarh, 
and there was nardiy any time that Gandhiji 
could spare. But he promised to see them for 
£ve minutes. And they did indeed make the 
best of their time. 

“What started you on your career of leader- 
ship?” was the queer question with which they 

“It came to me, unsought, unasked,” said 
Gandhiji rather embarrassed. “I do not know, 
though, what sort of leader I am, and whether 
what I am doing is leadership or service. But 
whatever it is, it came to me unasked.” 

But the friends who came were sure that 
they were leaders, and they asked for guidance 
as leaders of Christian thought. 

“All I can say,” said Gandhiji, “is that there 
should be less of theology and more of truth 
in all that you say and do." 

“Will you kindly explain it?” 

“How can I explain the obvious? Amongst 
agents of the many untruths that are propound- 
ed in the world one of the foremost is theology. 
I do not say that there is no demand for it. There 
is a demand in the world for many a question- 
able thing. But even those who have to do 
with theology as part of their work have to 
survive their theology. I have two good Christian 
friends who gave up theology and decided to 
live the gospel of Christ.” 

“Are you sure that no great result has come 
through your own study of Jesus ? ” 

“Why? There is no doubt that it has come, 
but not, let me tell you, through theology or 
through the ordinary interpretation of rheo- 
logists. For many of them contend that the 
Sermon on the Mount does not apply to mundane 
things, and that it was only meant for the twelve 
disciples. Well I do not believe this. I think the 
Sermon on the Mount has no meaning if it is 
not of vital use in everyday life to everyone,” 

"Is there not to be found a solution of the 
present-day problems in the teaching of Jesus?” 

“Well you are now dragging me in deeper 
waters," exclaimed Gandhiji, “ and you will drown 

“ What is the present trend of the thought 
of Young India?” 

“ It would take a brave and knowing man 
to answer this question. But, ” he smilingly said, 
“I must tell you that you have overstayed 
your time already. And if you go on question- 
ing and cross— questioning me, I dare say you 
will floor me without being any the wiser for 
having done so.” 

A Seeker 

Of a different type, so far as I could judge, 
was a Missionary friend who saw him long 
before this and asked him similar questions in 
a different spirit. He was more a seeker than 
a , questioner. “Could you tell me the things 
one should avoid in order to present the 
gospel of Christ ? ” he asked. 

“ Cease to think that you want to convert 
the whole world to your interpretation of 
Christianity. At the end of reading the Bible, 
let me tell you, it did not leave on my mind 
the impression that Jesus ever meant Christians 
to do what the bulk of those who take his 
name do. The moment you adopt the attitude 
I suggest, the fleld of service becomes limitless. 
You limit your own capacity by thinking and 
saying that you must proselytise.” 

“ I see what you mean, ” he said. “ We have 
been cumbered by creeds and man-made things. 
We feel that we should be in a place where 
all barriers have broken down.” 

Gandhiji instanced a few Christians who, be 
said, saw the central fact that, if they wanted 
to live this Christian life, they should literally 
follow the words — “ Not he that sayeth 'Lord, 
Lord’, but he that doeth His will.” 

“ You are living a guided life. Could you 
kindly tell me your experience of guidance ?” 

“ I do not ■ regard God as a person, ” said 
Gandhiji. “ Truth for me is God, and God’s 
Law and God are not different things or facts, 
in the sense that an earthly king and his law 
are different. Because God is an Idea, Law 
Him- self. Therefore it is impossible to conceive 
God as breaking the Law. He therefore does not 
rule our actions and withdraw Himself. When 
we say He rules our actions, we are simply 
using human language and we try to limit Him. 
Otherwise He and His Law abide everywhere 
and govern everything. Therefore I do not 
think that He answers in every detail every 
request of ours, but there is no doubt that 
He rules our action, and 1 literally believe 
that not a blade of grass grows or moves with- 
out His will. The free will we enjoy is less 
than that of a passenger on a crowded deck.” 

“ Do you feel a sense of freedom in your 
communion with God?” 

“ I do. I do not feel cramped as I would on 
a boat full of passengers. Although I know that 
my freedom is less than that of a passenger, 
I appreciate that freedom as I have im- 
bibed through and through the central teaching 
of the Gita that man is the maker of his own 
destiny in the sense that he has freedom of 
choice as to the manner in which he uses that 
freedom. But he is no controller of results. The 
moment he thinks he is, he comes to grief.” 

“Thank you.” 

Ramgarh, 16-3-40 M. D. 

To Correspondents and Message-seekers 

In spite of my notice in Harijan of Decem- 
ber 23rd those who can spare me continue to 
write and ask for messages. I would refer them 
to the notice for fuller explanation. I -know 
several intimate friends have not received acknow*’ 
ledgments or messages. They will forgive me. 
I have to harden my heart if I am to cope 
with the responsibility I am carrying. And what 
can be better than that I should commence with 
known friends? 

Sevagram, 15-1-40 

M. K. G. 



I Maech 23, 1940 


The Lonclon Assassination 
Further details that have come through the 
Press of the assassination of Sir Michael O'Dvryer 
and the attempted assassination of Lord Zetland, 
Lord Lamington and Sir Louis Dane confirm 
my opinion that it was a work of insanity. It 
is none the less reprehensible on that account. 
We bad otsr differences with Sir Michael 
O’ Dwyer, but that should not prevent us from 
being grieved over his assassination or condoling 
with Lady O’Dwyer and her family. I would 
like every Indian patriot to share with me the 
shame of the act and the joy that the lives 
of the three distinguished Englishmen were 
saved. We have our grievance against Lord 
Zetland. We must fight his reactionary policy. 
But there should be no malice or vindictiveness 
in our resistance. The papers tell us that the 
accused acted with amused nonchalance when 
he faced the court and the spectators. This 
does not command my admiration. It is to me 
a sure sign of continuing insanity. The accused 
is intoxicated with the thought of his bravery. 
I have known drunken men act with a reck- 
lessness of which they would be incapable in 
a sober state. I understand that extra rum is 
issued to soldiers who are sent to specially 
hazardous tasks. What am I to praise, the 
rum or its after-effect? The word assassin 
owes its origin to the hasheesh that was 
administered to the would-be assassins in order 
to deaden their conscience. This continuing 
insanity of the accused should fill us with pity 
and grief. If we are to fight fairly and squarely, 
we must, as far as is humanly possible, make 
every Englishman feel that he is as safe in our 
midst as he is in his own home. It fills me 
with shame and sorrow that for some timg at 
least every Indian face in London will be suspect. 
Is it not possible for us all to realise that the 
masses will never mount to freedom through 
murder ? I would like every reader of these 
lines to know that every such act bar ms our 
non-violent struggle, and therefore to dissociate 
himself in the secret of his heart and openly 
from such acts of insanity. 

The National Week 

From 6th April to 13th April has been observed 
as the National Week from year to year. On 
the 6th April 1919 the masses of India found 
their feet. It was the inauguration of Civil 
Disobedience. Its non-violent character was 
signalised by fasting and prayer. Hindus and 
Muslims fiaternised as they had never done 
before. The vow of Swadeshi was taken by tens 
of thousands. The 13th April 1919 saw the 
Jallianwala massacre in which Hindu, Muslim 
and Sikh blood -flowed promiscuously. The 
National Week is observed as a week of self- 

purification, m which sales of khadi and other- 
products of village industries arc organised on 
a large scale. I have said and I repeat that there 
is no Swaraj for the masses except through 
khadi and other village crafts. For there is no 
non-violent disobedience without sustained con- 
structive effort. A living, continuous mass contact 
is impossible without some constructive pro- 
gramme requiring almost daily contact of the 
workers with the masses. I hope, therefore, that 
the forthcoming week will be celebrated by all 
earnest workers with due solemnity and with 
intensive sales of khadi and other products of 
village handicrafts. 

Ramgarh, 17-3-40 M. K. G. 


Gandhiji made the following statement to the 
Press on the 14th inst. at Ramgarh : 

The news of the death of Sir Michael 

O’Dwyer and of the injuries to Lord Zetland, 

Lord Lamington and Sir Louis Dane has caused 

me deep pain. I offer my condolences to the 

deceased’s family, and hope that the injured 

will soon recover. I regard this act as one of 

insanity. Such acts have been proved to be 

injurious to the causes for which they are 

committed. I hope this will not be allowed 

to affect political 'udgment. 

* * ^ 

The Working Committee passed the following 
resolution at Ramgarh on the 17th inst.: 

The Working Committee has learnt with deep 
regret of the assassination of Sir Michael O’Dwyer 
and the wounding of the Marquess of Zetland 
and others by a person said to be an Indian. 
The Committee does not attach any political 
significance to this unfortunate act of violence. 
Nevertheless, it wishes to reiterate its conviction 
that all such acts are injurious to the national 

To Agents 

The attention of the agents is drawn to tlie fact 
that -we do not accept cheques other than those drawn 
on banks in Poona and Bombay. In view of recent 
complaints about loss of book post jiackets in transit, 
we now take certificates of posting. In cases, there- 
fore, of non-receipt agents may complain to their 
post offices. Manager 


Question Box 
Women and Voluntary 
Candid Comments 
Another • Englishman's 

Occasional Notes 
An Insane Act 

A Very Useful 

The London Assassination 
The National Week 


M. K. Gandhi 49 

M. K. Gandhi 50 

M. K- Gandhi 52 
M. D. 54 

M. K. G. 53 
M. K. G. 56 
M. K. G. 56 

Atyabhushan Press. 915/1 Fergusson College Road, Poona f 
SahMnvtaw Rate. - iBiAiro ; One year, Be. 4, Six months Re. &-8. Foebigh : One year. Rs. 5-8 or. 8 iSTor 8 $. 


VoL. vm, No. 7 ] POONA — SATURDAY, MARCH 30, 1940 [ TWO ANNAS 


The Non-cooperation of the Elements 

When Rajendrababu and his colleagues fixed 
upon Ramgarh as the venue of this year’s Con- 
gress, they little knew the hardships they would 
have to bear due to the non-cooperation of the 
elements. From the point of view of convenience 
Daranagar would have been a much better and 
much less expensive place. But Daranagar was 
ruled out as not being a village-venue. Ramgarh 
was right in the midst of the unsophisticated 
villagers, and, though the cheap village-Congress 
of Gandhiji’s conception still remains a dream, 
we have, since Faizpur, been succeeding in plant- 
ing a Congress-city in the midst of villages to 
the material benefit of the villagers who for 
three or four months get full employment, a 
satisfactory wage, and a custom for village 
products. In a vague sort of way the message 
of the Congress does reach these folks. But we 
have not yet learnt to go to the Congress with 
village-mentality, and therefore the principal 
object of having the Congress in the villages — 
viz. annihilation of the distance between the 
city-dweller and the villager — is still far from 
being realised. 

But Ramgarh proved a handful in a most 
unexpected way. The exhibition, for which 
Laxmibabu and others had laboured like Trojans, 
was to have been opened by Gandhiji on the 
10th, but heavy rains ruined their work; they 
had to toil over again and the Exhibition could 
be opened only on the 14th. For five days the 
skies remained clear, the workers heaved a sigh 
of relief, when suddenly at the exact hour of 
the opening of the Congress it began to 
pour, and the amphitheatre with its enchanting 
environment soon became a lake. 

‘ How inauspicious, ’ some exclaimed. ' No,’ was 
the reply, ‘rain is never inauspicious, and certainly 
never so disastrous as fire.’ How human nature 
always tries to derive consolation from all acts 
of God! And really speaking the non-cooperation 
of the elements proved not a small blessing in 
disguise. The Maulana Saheb declared that, come 
what may, he was determined to open the 
Congress. Pandit Jawaharlal stood by him, and 
their determination was infectious. Nearly a 
hundred thousand people — men, women, and 
children, the richest with their costly wearing 
apparel and the poorest in their single khadi 
shirt and dhoti — sat smiling and laughing with- 
out making the slightest stir. When the down- 

pour was unbearable they lifted the bamboo-- 
tattis from under themselves and held them up 
for shelter, and only when there was knee-deep 
water, and no sign of the fury abating, did 
they make for their camps. But even then 
there was no scrimmage to get back, ^ei^'eryone 
bowed to the inevitable, the orange-clad sisters 
and the men volunteers gave all the help they 
could in carrying children and helping people 
who slipped and fell, and not a soul was hurt. 
Rajendrababu, sore at heart, greeted the people 
in a brief speech, the Maulana followed with a 
similarly brief address, and Pt. Jawaharlal moved 
the main resolution which Prof. Kripalani second- 
ed, and the house was adjourned. The . inclement . 
elements continued their mad fury, hut finding 
that everyone was undaunted, the tempest ceased 
and the skies cleared in the morning, and at 
nine o’clock the Congress met again in the 
Chowk with fifty thousand people again ready 
to face the threatening weather with a cheer. 
The President could have made short work of 
the amendments which did not deserve the per- 
mission to be moved, seeing the utter lack of 
support they had in the Subjects Committee, 
but he gave everyone as long a rope as was 
asked for, and in a. little more than three 
hours brought the proceedings to a close. Nothing 
could have been more expeditious, more telling, 
more significant of the temper of the people. 
The non-cooperation of the elements was thus 
turned into co-operation and work, and has left 
a lesson for all time. 

The Exhibition 

If the rains taught the workers the lesson of 
selecting for the Congress a rain-proof venue, 
they taught people like me not to leave until 
tomorrow the work that you can do today. 
For I was foolish enough to defer until the 
last day a careful and examining look of the 
Exhibition, with the result that I have come 
away having seen only the Khadi Court to 
which one day I devoted a couple of hours. 
And I know that, if I gave a couple of hours 
to the Khadi Court, there were courts like the 
Basic Education Court, planned by Shrimati 
Ashadevi and the Jamia Milia workers with 
elaborate care, which deserved more than that time. 

The Khadi Court was arranged this time not 
by professional people like Shri Jerajani, but by 
an amateur in the field, Shrimati Kuwerbai 
Vakil, who with her husband [runs the Pupils’ 
Own School in Vileparle, a suburb of Bombay.. 



[ Makoh 30, 1940 

Her amateur hand left nothing to be desired in 
the way of exquisite taste and attractiveness, and 
though I have not beside me the figures of 
khadi sales, I know this must have contributed 
not a little to push up the sales. Bihar 
has been lucky in the manufacture and sale 
of khadi, luckier than other provinces. The 
Congress Government purchased last year Rs. 
60,000 worth of khadi from the Bihar Branch 
of the A. I. S. A. This year the new incum- 
bents have placed an order for Rs. 400,000 
worth of khadi — policemen’s uniform to be made 
of cloth costing 17 annas a square yard. No 
wonder, therefore, that the Bihar workers 
should be forging ahead every day in the 
matter of new patterns, new designs and 
finer texture. Thus they were able to exhibit 
this year a piece of muslin woven out of yarn 
of 300 counts — reminiscent of the famous gos- 
samerlike Dacca muslin — spun by a sister who 
was present on the spot to exhibit the beauty 
of her art. Devasundari of Darbhanga sat in 
the middle of the court with her wheel, spinn- 
ing with patient care from her own handmade 
slivers the 300 count yam. Though the workers 
had succeeded in coaxing her to give up purdah, 
it was difficult to make her answer many 
questions. ( By the by, the Congress in spite of 
the heavy expenses and trouble it meant for the 
organisers, has helped to bring about a revolution 
among womenfolk. Neatly 200 Bihar sisters have 
discarded their purdah and, having worked as 
volunteers, will now be so many workers in the 
field of social reform and will help in the 
abolition of the purdah from the province. ) 
Devasundari told me that she had her 

slivers out of Cambodia cotton, and that a tola 
of slivers took her a month to spin! The sari 
which had been exhibited there weighed 15 tolas. 
Rs. 5 was her monthly earning. Abdulla the 
weaver said that it took him three months to 
weave her yarn with the help of four men. 

The other exhibits — coatings and shirtings, 
saris, dhotis, curtains, bed-spreads — showed the 
rapid march we have made in producing stuff 
suited to the most varied taste and varied needs, 
and left no excuse for people to say that no 
khadi to suit their tastes was available. There 
were the exquisite door curtains from Sambalpur 
(Orissa) and U. P., the fine patola from Orissa, 
not quite so elaborate and exquisite as the one* 
from Patm, but costing- ten times less and there- 
fore within the reach of fashionable middle rlasg 
women; the charming printings from Bombay 
and Meerut, and the beautiful saris from Andhra 
and Tirupur; and the Kashmir shawl with all 
kinds of pashmina products which tantalised 
but were be^nd the reach of the ordinary 
khadi-lover. The reversible pashmina waistcoat 
and pashmina pull-over were worth their price 
and the tug of clipped wool-work told a tale* 
that IS worth recording. The art had- died out 
^ one of the A. L S. A. workets teceneb 
tumbled upon an old man workinj at a ato^ 

breaker, who casually told him that he could 
weave designs that would bewitch the eye but 
had no customer. He was asked to give up 
stone-breaking and revive the dead art. The rug 
with the clipped wool giving the appearance 
o£ fur outside and the silky pashmina inside 
measuring yards, was worth Rs. 172-8-0. 

There were other courts worth a visit and a 
careful study, but, as I have said before, I 
missed them as I deferred seeing them. I had, 
however, rushed through the Exhibition with 
Gandhiji on the day he opened it, and therefore 
knew from a distance the wealth that it con- 
tained. The Basic Education Court, in which, 
as Gandhiji said, one could see Hindu-Muslim- 
Christian unity at work, was where Dr. Zakir 
Husain and his colleagues, Shrimati Ashadevi 
and Shri Aryanayakam, had tried to show the 
advance and the illimitable scope of basic 

There was the place where the villagers in 
Bihar were extracting iron out of sand and 
making tools out of it; the manufacture of paper 
by hand and the rapid strides made in that 
department ; the tannery and the leather-goods 
factory dealing exclusively in dead cattle hide; 
the stall where sugar and all kinds of sweet- 
meats were made from the juice of the palm 
tree which grows wild in most provinces of 
India, and of which the number in Bihar is 
enough to produce gnd and sugar for the whole 
of India. The harvest is rich, the reapers arc 
few and far between. 

Its Meaning 

In a speech which I shall not attempt to 
reproduce here Gandhiji explained the vast 
possibilities of the movement for the revival of 
these village crafts and occupations. “You can 
show the villagers,’* he said, ‘'that they have 
in their possession crafts that can stand 
the invasion of bombs from aeroplanes. But 
they are ignorant of their treasures which have 
been mostly looted, and are on the brink of 
extinction. Wc have to awaken them to a sense 
of those treasures, and dispel their ignorance 
and darkness. That is the function of these 
exhibitions. ” 

A wag had remarked the other day that 

Gandhiji aimed not at the civilisation of India, 
but at the charkha-isation of India. Whatever 
one may say about the meaning and implica- 
tions of the charkha and Gandhiji’s concep- 
tion thereof, is there any doubt that the 

civilisation which has been the pride and 

the admiration of all historians was the 

charkha civilisation ? Gandhiji adverted to this 
aspect and said: “The true Indian civilisation is 
in the Indian villages. The modern city civili- 
sation you find in Europe and America, and in 
a handful of our cities which are copies of the 
^Vestern cities and which were built for the 
foreigner, and by him. But they cannot last. It 
is only the handicraft civilisation that will endure 
and stand the test of time. But it can do so 

Maech 30 , 1940 ] 



only if we can correlate the intellect with the 
hand. The late Madhnsudan Das used to say that 
our peasants and workers had, by reason of 
working with bullocks, become like bullocks; and 
he was right. We have to lift them from the 
estate of the brute to the estate of man, and 
that we can do only by correlating the intellect 
with the hand. Not until they learn to work 
intelligently and make something new every day, 
not until they are taught to know the joy of 
work, can we raise them from their low estate.” 

Touching on another aspect of the exhibition 
he said in another speech in the exhibition 
after the evening prayer : “ This exhibition is the 
real Congress for the masses. Our chosen dele- 
gates will attend the Congress, and pass reso- 
lutions there as to what we have to do during 
the year. But what are the masses to do ? The 
exhibition serves to provide intellectual pabulum 
for the masses, and those who visit the exhi- 
bition owe it to them to take to them what 
they learn here. There is no institution where 
35 crores of our people can go. The Kumbha 
Mela is attended by several lakhs of people, 
but what is that number in a population of 35 
crores? But if you who attend the exhibition 
can take some of the crafts which are 
being demonstrated here to the villagers, you 
can reach the millions who inhabit the villages 

and revolutionise their lives There is the 

talk of civil disobedience in the air. But who 
is fit to practise civil disobedience? Not those 
who will not spin, who will not wear khadi, 
who do not care for the handicrafts. They will 
do some other kind of disobedience, but it will 
be anything but civil. That is not the disobe- 
dience I would like to teach or would care 
to live for. I want to turn the quiet and living 
strength that spinning gives you into the 

channel of civil disobedience. If you will, there- 
fore, see the exhibition with my eyes, you will 
carry the gospel of khadi and the spinning wheel 
to the villages, and lay the foundation of a 
handicraft civilisation and universalise khadi and 
handicrafts. If you do so, I assure you there 
will be no necessity for civil disobedience. If 
you will not do so, if you do not spin, do 

not universalise khadi, I may go to jail and 

be there for a number of years, but it will 

be all in vain. Without khadi and without 
handicrafts the Congress boat, far ftom carrying 
us to the port, will sink in midstream.” 

At the Helm 

The candidature of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad 
was the acid test of the Congress delegates’ 
nationalism, their feith in Hindu-Muslim unity, 
and their courage to entrust the destinies of the 
nation to a Muslim leader at a time of unpre- 
cedented crisis. But by an overwhelming majo- 
rity they declared their faith in him. They 
would have done so in 1939 too, but t he ir 
having done so in this critical year of our 
nation’s history is especially notable. I had an 
occasion to ask the Maulana what he meant 

when he was reported to have said in a Lahore 
interview that now that the parliamentary 
programme had been put aside he had no 
difiSculty in consenting to be president. “ That,” 
said the Maulana, with, a smile, “ is the trouble 
of having a reporter who cannot understand 
and express correctly what you say in Urdu. 
Don’t you see the absurdity of the statement ? 
How could I decry the parliamentary programme 
having been so closely associated with the conduct 
of it ? What I meant to say was this ; * The 
parliamentary programme is over . I have had 
my share in the Working Committee’s resolution 
asking the ministers to resign, and if I am 
called upon to preside over the next Congress 
and if I declined, I should be rightly held 
guilty of having shirked the natmral consequences 
of that resolution. Some time or other, unless 
the Government revise their attitude, we are 
sure to have civil disobedience, and I did not 
want anyone to say or feel that because civil 
disobedience was a certainty I got funky. And 
then to have reposed their trust in me in 
ordinary times would be good enough ; but to 
have done so in a crisis like the present is 
something that compelled me to respond. ” I 
think this explanation is enough to silence all 
criticism on the score of that misreported inter- 
view. And the Maulana’s presidential address 
and his conduct of the proceedings at Ramgarh 
have more than justified the nation’s choice. 
The address was characteristic of the Maulana, a 
closely reasoned piece, strictly confined to the ques- 
tion of the hour, and studiously refraining ftom 
touching any other subject. E the Working Com- 
mittee at Patna decided to have only one resolu- 
tion, the Maulana decided to have only one topic 
for exhaustive treatment in his address. Not a 
paragraph in it is superfluous, and he has wast- 
ed no words on adjectives and epithets. “You 
might have said something on civil disobedience 
and the constructive programme,” I said to the 
Maulana. "No,” he said, “having said that 
everything depended on discipline, unity and full 
confidence in Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership, it 
would have been an act of supererogation on 
my part to have said anything on these topics. 
He has said all that is worth saying. He who 
accepts his leadership accepts all that he has 
said on civil disobedience and the intimate con- 
nection of the constructive programme with it, 
and he has no business to add anything of his 
own. If I did, I should set a bad example." 

The Address 

The address has been printed in extenso by the 
daily press, but as a number of foreign readers 
read this paper, and as The Times and The 
Daily Telegraph have disposed it of in a summary 
of 39 and 40 words, I shall extract here the 
cream of the address. India’s fight is not against 
the British people but against British imperialism, 
and the Maulana has made this abundantly clear: 

“ But while we were considering the dangers aris- 
ing from Fascism and Nazism, it was impossible 



[ March 30^ 1940 

for U 3 to forget the older danger which has been 
proved to be infinitely more fatal to the peace and 
freedom of nations than these new dangers, and 
v/hich has in fact supplied the basis for this reac- 
tion. I refer to British imperialism. We are not 
distant spectators of this imperialism, as we are of 
the new reactionary movements. It has taken posses- 
sion of our house and dominates over us. It was 
for this reason that we stated in clear terms that, 
if new entanglements in Europe brought about war, 
India, which has been debarred from exercising 
her will and making free decisions, will not take any 
part in it. She could onlj' consider this question 
when she had acquired the right of coming to deci- 
sion according to her own free will and choice. 

India cannot endure the prospect of Nazism and 
Fascism, but she is even more tired of British im- 
perialism. If India remains deprived of her natural 
right to freedom, this would clearly mean that 
British imperialism continued to flourish with all its 
traditional characteristics, and under such conditions 
India would on no account be prepared to lend a 
helping hand for the triumph of British imperialism. 
This was the second declaration which was con- 
stantly emphasized through these resolutions. These 
resolutions were repeatedly passed from the Lucknow 
session onwards till August 1939 and are known by 
the name of ‘ War Resolutions 


“ But it is not a question of the desire or of 
the measure of the desire of the British Govern- 
ment. The straight and simple question is of India’s 
right; whether she is entitled to determine her own 
fate or not. On the answer to this question depend 
the answers to all other questions of the day. This 
question forms the foundation stone of the Indian 
problem; India will not allow it to be removed, for 
if it is displaced, the whole structure of Indian 
nationalism will collapse. 

So far as the question of war is concerned our 
position is quite clear. We see the face of British 
imperialism as clearly now as we did in the’ last 
war, and we are not prepared to assist in the 
triumph by participating in the War. Our case is 
crystal clear. We do not wish to see British impe- 
rialism triumphant and stronger and thus lengthen 
the period of our own subjection to it. We abso- 
lutely refuse to do so, Our way lies patently in 
the opposite direction. ’* 

Lastly : 

“ Since war began, several members of the British 
Cabinet have tried to make the world believe that 
the old order of British imperialism has ended, and 
that today the British nation has no other aims 
except those of peace and justice. Which country 
could have more warmly acclaimed such a declaration 
than India ? But the fact is that, in spite of these 
declarations, British imperialism stands in the way 
•of peace and justice today exactly as it did before 
the War. The Indian demand was the touch-stone 
for all such claims. They were so tested and found 
to he counterfeit and untrue. ’’ 

The portion of his address on Hindu-Muslim 
Unity and the Minority Problem is likely to 

endure in history. Ever since he started his 
weekly Al Hilal in 1912 he has waged 
unrelenting war against the policy and efltorts 
to divide Hindus and Muslims, and he declares 
in his address : 

I would remind my co-reiigionists that today I 
stand exactly where I stood in 1912 when I address- 
ed them on this issue. I have given thought to all 
those innumerable occurrences which have happened 
since then; my eyes have watched them, my mind 
has pondered over them. These events did not merely 
pass me by; I was in the midst of them, a parti- 
cipant, and I examined every circumstance with care, 
I caunot be false to what I have myself seen and 
observed; I cannot quarrel with my own convictions; 
I cannot stifle the voice of my conscience. I repeat 
today what I have said throughout this entire 
period that the ninety millions of Muslims of India 
have no other right course of action than the one 
to which I invited them in 1912.” 

He scouts the idea that the Muslims are in a 
minority, and that the democratic institutions in 
India would therefore jeopardise their interests 
and existence : 

"Politically speaking, the word minority does not 
mean just a group that is numerically smaller and 
therefore entitled to special protection. It means a 
group that is so small in number and so lacking in 
other qualities that give strength, that it has no 
confidence in its own capacity to protect itself from 
the much larger group that surrounds it. It is not 
enough that the group should be relatively the 
smaller, but that it should be absolutely so small as 
to be incapable of protecting its interests. Thus 
this is not merely a question of numbers; other 
factors count also. If a country has two major 
groups numbering a million and two millions respec- 
tively, it does not necessarily follow that, because 
one is half the other, therefore it must call itself 
politically a minority and consider itself weak.” 


” Full eleven centuries have passed by since then. 
Islam has now as great a claim on the soil of 
India as Hinduism. If Hinduism has been the re- 
Ugion of the people here for several thousands of 
years, Islam also has been their religion for a thou- 
sand years. Just as a Hindu can say with pride 
that he is an Indian and follows Hinduism, so also 
we can say with equal pride that we are Indians 
and follow Islam. I shall enlarge this orbit still 
further. The Indian Christian is equally entitled to 
say with pride that he is an Indian and is follow- 
ing a religion of India, namely Christianity.” 

Lastly : 

"Do we, Indian Mussalmans, view the free India of 
the future with suspicion and distrust or with courage 
and confidence? If we view it with fear and suspi- 
cion, then undoubtedly we have to follow a different 
path. No present declaration, no promise for the 
future, no constitutional safeguards, can be a remedy for 
our doubts and fears. We are then forced to tolerate 
the existence of a third power. This third power is 
already entrenched here and has no intention of 
withdrawing and, if we follow this path of fear, we 

Masoh 30, 1940 : 



must nseds look forvcard to its continuance. But if 
v*7e are convinced that for us iear and doubt nave 
no place, and iha.t vre must view the future 
with courage and conhdence in ourselves, then our 
course of action becomes absolutely clear. We 
find ourselves in a new v/orld, which is free from the 
dark shadows ot doubt, vacillation, inaction and 
apathy, and where the light of faith and determina^ 
lion, action and enthusiasm never fails. The con- 
fusions of the times, the ups and downs that come 
our way, the difncuities that beset cur thorny path, 
cannot change the direction of our steps. It becomes 
our bounden cuty then to march v/itti assured steps 
to India’s national goal. 

i arrived at this definite conclusion without the 
least hesitation, and e\ery fibre of my being 
revolted against the former alternative. I could not 
bear the thought of it. i could not conceive it 
possible for a Mussalman to tclerate this, unless he 
has rooted out the spirit ot Islam from every 
corner of his being.” 

So much lor the Mussalmans. As for the 
British who are not tired of repeating the 
obstacle of the communal question as an 
insuperable one, be declares: 

“ We could attach no greater importance to it, 
than to make it the first condition for the attain- 
ment of our national goal. The Congress has always 
held this belief ; no one can challenge this fact. It 
has always held to two basic principles in this 
connection, and every step was taken deliberately 
v;ith these in view. 

( 1 ) Whatever constitution is adopted for India, 
there must be the fullest guarantees in it for the 
rights and interesrs of minorities. 

( 2 j The minorities should judge for them- 
selves what safeguards are necessary for the protection 
of their rights and interests. The majority should 
not decide this. Ttieiefore the decision in this respect 
must depend upon the consent of the minorities 
and not on a majority vote 

The manner in which the Congress has dealt with 
this problem today in connection with the Consti- 
tuent Assembly, throws a flood of light on these 
two principles and clarifies them. The recognised 
minorities have a right, if they so please, to choose 
their representatives by their votes. Their represen- 
tatives will not have to rely upon the votes of 
any other community except their own. So far as 
the question of the rights and the interests of 
the minorities is concerned, the decision will not 
depend upon the majority of votes in the 
Constituent Assembly. It will be subject to 
the consent of the minority. If unanimity is not 
achieved on any question, then an impartial tribunal, 
to which the minorities have also consented, will 
decide the matter. This last proviso is merely in 
the nature of a provision for a possible contingency, 
and is most unlikely to be required. If a more 
practical proposal is made, there can be no 
objection to it.” 

The Background 

^Many people have described the Ramgarh Con- 
gress and the passing of the single resolution as 

a unique triumph for Gandhiji, But I wish I 
had the words to give even a faint picture of 
the awesome travail that Gandhij: was going 
through during the last three days of the 
Congress. There V7as no question before him of 
triumph or failure. There was before him the 
sole question of whether he v^ouid be able to 
shoulder the terrible responsibility that was being 
placed upon him, to bear the weight of the 
unthinking trust that was being reposed in 
biro. He had pleaded wdth the members of the 
Woricmg Committee to relieve him of the burden. 
It would free them from w^hat might be acting 
upon them as an incubus, and it would at 
the same time leave him free to pursue 
his experiment of ahirnsa more intensively and 
without thought of the millions who locked to 
him for direction. “ I may be a broken reed 
and may well land you into unexpected troubles. 
I might not begin che movement for an 
indefinite length of time, and I might stop it 
abruptly However much you may agree with 
me, your ahimsa does not go as far as mine. 
xAnd if after twenty years of practice of it 1 have 
noc been able to vvin the afiection and trust of 
the Mussalmans, my ahimsa must be of a very 
poor quality indeed. Why not then let me 
further examine myself, and make further 
researches ? " To the Maulana he said : “ I have 
not the slightest doubt that the Congress and 
the nation can have nothing to lose and every- 
thing to gain by the step. There is no question 
of my distrusting you or other members of the 
Working Committee or the nation. It is a 
question of my distrust in myself. I am sure 
that, if you release me, I shall be able to give 
even civil disobedience a purer and a nobler 
shape.” But the Maulana demurred. He some- 
how could not reconcile himself to the step. 
“ You must not forget,” he said with visible 
emotion. ” that it was at your command that I 
accepted to serve this year, and you cannot now 
forsake me.” There was now nothing for it but 
to bear the burden. The speeches at the 
Subjects Committee and the open Congress made 
after the passing of the resolution, translated 
fairly fully in this issue, should be read with 
this background in view. 

M. D. 


One Step Forward 

The report of the first Conference of Basic 
National Education, Poona, October 1939. Pages 
292 + 24. Price .Rs. 1—4 — 0. Postage 4 As. extra. 

( Hindustani ) 

By Krishnadas Gandhi, Chapter I, 45 Pages, 
Price 4 As. Postage 1 Anna extra. 

Educational Reconstruction 
Price Rs. 1-4-0 Postage 3 As. extra 
Available at ( 1 ) Harijan Office — Poona 4; 
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Bombay 2. 


HARIJAN [ March 30^ 1940 


The Britisher today wases indignant at being 
reminded that the communal problem in India, 
as we see it today, is largely the creation of 
the British themselves and a part and parcel of 
the imperialist game of ‘ divide and rule But 
he can do so, as the following narrative will 
show, in the teeth of recorded history. 

A friend has sent a penetrating monograph, 
based on a study of diaries of Lady Minto, 
that throws a flood of light on this phase of 
British Indian policy. In the winter of 1905-06, 
George V, as Prince of Wales, made a tour of 
India and returned to England in the spring of 
1906. In a letter to Lord Minto, the then 
Viceroy, dated 11th May 1906, Lord Morley 
wrote : 

“Yesterday I had a long conversation with the 
Prince of Wales in which he gave me an immensely 
interesting account of his impressions in India. His 
key word is that we should get on better if our 
administrators showed wider sympathy ....He talked of 
the National Congress rapidly becoming a great 
power. My own impression, formed long ago, and 
confirmed since I came to this office, is that it 
will mainly depend upon ourselves whether the 
Congress is a power for good or evil. There it is, 
whether we like it or not. 

To this letter Lord Minto replied on May 
28th. 1906: 

As to Congress there is much that is 

absolutely disloyal in the movement and that there 
is danger for the future, I have no doubt. You 
see extracts from the Vernacular press; the great 
bulk of the tone of it can only be termed disloyal. 

I have been thinking a good deal lately of a 

possible counterpoise to Congress dims. I think we 
may find a solution in the Council of Princes or 
in an elaboration of that idea, a Privy Council not 
only of Native Rulers, but of a few other big men 
to meet, say once a year, for a week or a fortnight, 
at Delhi for instance. Subjects for discussion and 
procedure would have to be very carefully thought 
out, but we should get different ideas from those of 
the Congress emanating from men already possessing 
great interest in the good government of India.... 

I cannot say how much I am with you as to 
'sympathy’... But with all one’s desire for ‘sympathy’ 
one- must not lose sight of hard facts. We are 
here a small British garrison, surrounded by millions 
composed of factors of an inflammability unknown to 
the Western world, unsuited to Western forms of 
government, and we must be ’physically strong or 
go to the wall. ’* ^ ( Italics mine ) 

About the same time a number <of distinguish- 
ed Anglo-Indians, including Sir W^alter Lawrence, 
Private Secretary to Lord Curzon (1898-1903 )! 
Sir Valentine Chirol, Times correspondent. Sir 
Sydney Low, special correspondent during the 
Royal visit to India (1905-06), were, in their 
self-appo inted role of saviours of the Empire, 

1. Motley’s Recollections, Vol, II, p. 170-71, 

2. Lady Minto's Diary, p. 23-29. 

plying Lord Morley with their ‘ expert ’ advice. 
In a letter dated 19th June 1906, Morley wrote 
to Minto : 

“ Everybody warns us that a new spirit is grow- 
ing and spreading! over India. Lawrence, Chirol, 
Sydney Low, all sing the same song : ‘ You cannot 
go on governing in the same spirit; you have got 
to deal with the Congress Party and Congress 
principles, whatever you may think of them. Be 
sure that before long Mohammedans will throw -in 
their lot with the Congressmen against you and 
so on and so forth. I do not know how true this 
may or may not be. 

The latter, in his reply on June 27th, showed 
that he was fully alive to the ' danger’. He 
recognised the Congress Party as a power with 
which he had to deal and with whose leaders 
he had to reckon.^ 

What followed is worth noting closely. With- 
in a few months a Mohammedan deputation, head- 
ed by the Aga Khan, presented an address to 
Lord Minto at Simla on October 1, 1906, It 
was to the effect that •“ the Mohammedan com- 
munity should be represented as a community,” 
and that the position of the Mohammedans 
should be estimated ” not merely on their 
numerical strength but in respect to the politi- 
cal importance of the community and service 
it rendered to the Empire.*’ ( Italics mine ) Lord 
Minto replied to it in terms that have set 
the pattern for all official pronouncement since 
down to Sir Samuel Hoare and Lord Zetland 
in our time on the communal question : 

“ I am entirely in accord with you I am 

as firmly convinced as I believe you to be, that 
any electoral representation in India would be doom- 
ed to mischievous failure which aimed at granting a 
personal enfranchisement, regardless of the beliefs and 
traditions of the communities composing the popula- 
tion of this continent. The great mass of the people 
of India have no knowledge of the representative 
institutions. In the meantime I can only say that the 
Mahommedan community may rest assured that their 
political rights and interests as a community will be 
safeguarded by any administrative reorganisation 
with which I am concerned.” 

There is a significant entry in Lady Minto’s 
diary under the date October 3, 1906, which 
provides a very revealing commentary on the 
nature and origin of the Mahommedan deputa- 
tion which Lord Minto showed such willingness 
to oblige. In expressing grief at the passing 
away of the great Mahommedan leader, Nawab 
Mohsin-ul-Mulk, who had died in Simla, among 
his good points she prominently notes that “he 
it was who engineered the recent Mohammedan 
deputation. ** Equally illuminating is the entry 
under October 1, 1906, which is set down as 
“ a very eventful day. and epoch in Indian 
history”. That evening he received the follow- 
ing letter from an official whose name and 
identity are not disclosed: “I must send your 

3. /6/d, p. 30. 4, /6td, p. 31. 

March 30, 1940] 

Excellency a line to say that a very big thing 
has happened today, a work of statesmanship 
that will affect India and Indian history for 
many a long year. It is nothing less than the 
pulling back cf 62 millions of people from join-- 
ing the ranks of the seditious opposition'' The 
attitude taken up by Whitehall with regard to 
the Mohammedan question was reflected in the 
Secrerary o£ State’s letter to Lord Minto ( Janu- 
ary 28, 1909 ), after an interview with “ the 
sons of the Crescent ”, as Lord Moriey pictu- 
resquely put it. It is a naked statement of the 
policy of balancing one community against the 
other. “How could I satisfy them by a straight 
declaration off my bat,” he wrote. “ We have to 
take care that in picking up the Musalmans we 
do not drop our Hindu parcels^ and this makes 
it impossible to blurt out the full length to which 
we are or may be ready to go in the Moslem 
direction/' (Italics mine) In the letter dated 
Februaty 1909 by the Secretary of State to Lord 
Minto, the cynicism is even more brutally frank: 
“I begged the Aga Khan to dismiss from his 
mind, what I had stated, that, like all other 
English radicals, I had hatred of Islam. What other 
Liberals thought of Islam, I did not know, but 
for myself, if I were to have a label, I should 
be called a Positivist, and in the Positivist 
Calendar, framed by Comte after the manner of 
Catholics, Mahomet is one of the great leading 
saints, and has the high honour of giving his 
name to a WeekU This will soon be expanded 
into a paragraph in The Daily Mail, that, the 
Indian S. S, has turned Mahometan. That, at 
any rate, would tend to soften Mahometcm aliena- 
tion from our plans. Forgive all this nonsense. 
Like many another man of grave (or dull) 
temperament, I seek snatches of relief from 
boredom by clapping on a fool’s cap at odd 
moments.” (Italics mine) 

Later on, however, as the fruits of his policy 
began to give him a foretaste of what was 
coming, Lord Moriey seems to have felt uneasy 
misgivings within him that he had perhaps gone 
too far in the Mohammedan direction, and that 
it was necessary to cry a halt. It appears 
that the India Council, especially Sir Theodore 
Morrison, was anxious to favour the Muslim 
cjaims. On August 6, 1909, Lord Moriey wrote 
to Lord Minto as follows: 

“ Morrison is pertinacious up to the eleventh hour 
about his M. friends; insists on our pledges, and 
predicts a storm of M’s reproach and dissatisfaction- 
It may be so. On the other hand, G. predicts that 
departure from the line we have agreed upon in our 
dispatch, would provoke at least as much reproach 
and dissatisfaction among the Hindus. We shall there- 
fore have a stubborn talk in Council, to which I 
shall not contribute more than two or three stubborn 
sentences. I am the least in the world of a Crom- 
wellian, but I am beginning to understand, in a way 
never understood before* how impatience at the delays 
and cavilling and mistaking of very small points for 
big ones at last drove Oliver to send his Coun- 


cillors packing.” 

In his letter of August 26 to Lord Minto, 
the reaction has become even more marked. He 
is already talking about his determination to 
‘ put his foot definitely down' : 

“ Morrison tells me that a Mahometan is coming 
over here on purpose to see me, and will appear on 
Monday next. Whatever happens, / ajn quite sure 
that it was high time to put our foot definitely 
doxon and to let them know that the process of 
haggling has gone on long enough, come what may, 
I •am only sorry wc could not do it earlier''^ 
( Italics mine } 

The last entry relating to this dismal episode 
is dated December 6, 1909. The wheel has come 
full circle. Writes the philosopher Secretary of 
State to Lord Minto, with ill-concealed chagrin, 
“ I won’t follow you again into our Mahometan 
dispute.' Only I respectfully remind you once 
more that it was your early speecli about their 
extra claims that first started the M. hare. I 
am convinced my decision was best.” But it 
was too late to retract. The mischief was done. 
The “ counterpoise to Congress aims ”, that Lord 
Minto had envisaged, was created in the form 
of communal representation. Sixty two millions 
of people were “ pulled back ” from “ joining 
the seditious ranks”. But the most surprising 
part of the story is that Nationalist India is 
today called upon, by the successors of the 
statesman who deliberately started the “hare’ 
of communaiism, to- expiate for their predecessors’ 
sins I 

The other expedient, not less Machiavellian, 
suggested by Lord Minto in pursuance of his 
policy of divide and rule was not left untried. 
We see it in full swing today even like the 
communal device. But the story of the exploit- 
ation -of the princely order for strengthening 
and perpetuating the imperialist structure I must 
reserve for full narration on another occasion. 

Ramgarh, 16-3-40 Pyarelal 

5. Moriey ’s Recollections, Vol- II p. 296-97. 

6. Ibid, Vol. II. p. 315. 

7. Ibid, „ p. 317. 

To Correspondents and Message-seekers 

In spite of my notice in Harijan of Decem- 
ber 23rd those who can spare me continue to 
write and ask for messages. I would refer them 
to the notice for fuller explanation. I know 
several intimate friends have not received acknow- 
ledgments or messages. They will forgive me. 
I have to harden my heart if I am to cope 
with the responsibility I am carrying. And what 
can be better than that I should commence with 
known friends? 

Sevagram, 15-1-40 M. K. G« 

Mahatma Gandhi 

By S. Eadhakrishnan. Rs. 5-10-0. Postage 7 As. 

Available at Harijan office-Poona 4, and 67 & 81 
Queen’s Road, Bombay 2. 




[ March 30, 1940 

(By M, K, Gandhi ) 

When I said at the Subjects Committee meet- 
ing at Ramgarh that every Congress Committee 
should become a Satyagraha Committee, i meant 
every word of what I said, as I meant every 
word of everything else I said. I would like 
every Congressman who desires to serve in the 
Satyagraha Sena to read my two speeches made 
at Ramgarh as well as whatever else I may 
write in Harijan on the struggle, and to carry 
out the instructions meant for him or her. 

In the coming struggle, if it must come, no 
half-hearted loyalty will answer the purpose. 
Imagine a general marching to battle with doubt- 
ing, ill-prepared soldiers. He will surely march 
to defeat. I will not consciously make any such 
fatal experiment. This is not meant to frighten 
Congressmen. If they have the will, they will 
not find my instructions difficult to follow. 
Correspondents tell me that, though they have 
no faith in me or the charkha, they ply the 
latter for the sake of discipline. I do not 
understand this language. Can a general fight 
on the strength of soldiers who, he knows, 
have no faith in him ? The plain meaning 
of this language is that the correspondents 
believe in mass action but do not believe in 
the connection I see between it and the 
charkha etc., if the action is to be non-violent. 
They believe in my hold on the masses, but 
they do not believe in the things which I 
believe have given me that hold. They merely 
want to exploit me and will grudgingly pay 
the price which my ignorance or obstinacy 
( according to them ) demands. I do not call 
this discipline. True discipline gives enthusiastic 
obedience to instructions even though they do 
not satisfy reason. A volunteer exercises his 
reason when he chooses his general, but after 
having made the choice, he does not waste bis 
time and energy in scanning every instruction 
and testing it on the anvil of his reason before 
following it. His is “ not to reason why 

Now for my instructions. 

Every Congress Committee should become a 
Satyagraha Committee and register such Con- 
gressmen who believe in the cultivation of the 
spirit of goodwill towards all, who have no 
untouchability in them in any shape or form, 
who would spin regularly, and who habitually 
use khadi to the . exclusion of all other cloth. 
I would expect those who thus register their 
names with their Committees to devote the 
whole of their spare time to the constructive 
programme. If the response is sincere, these 

Satyagraha Committees would become busy spin- 
ning depots. They will work in conjunction 
with and under the guidance of A. 1. S. A, 
branches in a businesslike manner so that there 
remain, in the jurisdiction of the Committees, no 
Congressmen who have not adopted khadi for 
exclusive use. I shall expect businesslike reports 
to be sent from provincial headquarters to the 
A. I. C. C. as to the progress of the work of 
the Satyagraha Committees. Seeing that this 
registration is to be purely voluntary, the 
reports would mention the numbers both of 
those w'ho give their names for registration and 
those who do not. 

The registered Satyagrabis will keep a diary 
of the work that they do from day to day. 
Their work, besides their own spinning, will 
consist in visiting the primary members and 
inducing them to use khadi, spin and register 
themselves. Whether they do so or not, contact 
should be maintained with them. 

There should be visits paid to Harijan homes 
and their difficulties removed so far as possible. 

Needless to say that names should be 
registered only of those who are willing and 
able to suffer imprisonment. 

No financial assistance is to be expected by 
Satyagrahi prisoners whether for themselves or 
their dependants. 

So much for the active Satyagrabis. But there 
is a much larger class of men and women who, 
though they will not spin or court or suffer 
imprisonment, believe in the two cardinal 
principles of Satyagraha and welcome and wish 
well to the struggle. These I will call passive 
Satyagrabis. They will help equally with the 
active ones, if they will not interfere with the 
course of the struggle by themselves courting 
imprisonment or aiding or precipitating strikes 
of labourers or students. Those who out of 
overzeal or for any other cause will act contrary 
to these instructions will harm the struggle and 
may even compel me to suspend it. When the 
forces of violence are let loose all over the 
world and when nations reputed to be most 
civilized cannot think of any force other than 
that of arms for the settlement of their disputes, 
I hope that it will be possible to say of India 
that she fought and won the battle of freedom 
by purely peaceful means. 

I am quite clear in my mind that, given the 
co-operation of politically-minded India, the 
attainment of India’s freedom is perfectly possi- 
ble through unmixed non-violence. The world 
does not believe our pretension of non-violence. 
Let alone the world, I, the self-styled general, 
have repeatedly admitted that we have violence 
in our hearts, that we are often violent to 
one another in our mutual dealings. I must 
confess that I will not be able to fight so long 
as we have violence in our midst. But I will 
fight if the proposed register is honest and 
if those who courageously keep out will not 
disturb the even course of the struggle. 

Maech 30, 1940 j 



Non-violent action means mobilisation of world 
opinion in our favour. I know that a growing 
number of thinking men and women of the 
world are sick of the war spirit, they are 
longing for a way of peace, and they are look- 
ing to India to point that way. We cannot 
have that opinion on our side if we are not 
honestly non-violent. Let me repeat what I have 
said in these columns that I shall be able to 
fight with a very small army of honest Satya- 
grabis and shall feel powerless and embarrassed 
if I have a huge army in which I can have 
no trust or as to whose behaviour I am not 
always sure. 

I expect the A. I. C. C. to organise Satyagraha 
Committees and report to me from time to time 
of the progress made. If there is an enthusi- 
astic response, inside of one month it should 
be possible to forecast the exact period required 
to put the Satyagraha Committees in working 

Sevagram, 25-3-40 


( By Al. Gandhi ) 

Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah is reported to have said: 

** Mr. Gandhi has been saying for the last 20 
years that there cannot be any Swaraj without 
Hindu-Muslim unity. Mr, Gandhi is fighting for a 
Constituent Assembly. May I point out to Mr. 
Gandhi and the Congress that they are fighting for 
a Constituent Assembly which we 'cannot accept ? 
Therefore, the idea of a Constituent Assembly is 
impracticable and unacceptable. Mr, Gandhi wants 
a Constituent Assembly for purposes of ascertaining 
the views of Muslims, and if they do not agree, 
he would then give up all hope and then will 
agree with us. If there exists the will to come to 
a settlement with the Muslim League, then why 
does not Mr. Gandhi, as I have said more than 
once, honestly agree that the Congress is a Hindu 
organization and that it does not represent anything 
but the solid body of Hindus ? Why should Mr. 
Gandhi not be proud to say : ‘ I am a Hindu and 
the Congress is a Hindu body’ ? I am not asham- 
ed of saying that I am a Muslim and that the 
Muslim League is the representative of Muslims. 
Why all this camouflage, why this threat of civil 
disobedience, and why this fight for a Constituent 
Assembly ? Why should not Mr. Gandhi come as 
a Hindu leader and let me meet him proudly 
representing the Mussulmans ?” 

My position is and has been clear, I am proud 
of being a Hindu, but I have never gone to 
anybody as a Hindu to secure Hindu Muslim 
unity. My Hinduism demands no pacts. My 
support of the Khilafat was unconditional. I am 
no politician in the accepted sense. But whatever 
talks I had with Quaid-e-Azam or any other 
have been on behalf of the Congress which is 
not a Hindu organisation. Can a Hindu organisa- 
tion have a Muslim divine as President, and can 
its Working Committee have 4 Muslim members 
oUt of 15? I still maintain that there is no 

Swaraj without Hindu Muslim unity. I can never 
be party to the coercion of Muslims or any 
other minority. The Constituent Assembly as 
conceived by me is not intended to coerce 
anybody. Its sole sanction will be an agreed 
solution of communal questions. If there is 
no agreement, the Constituent Assembly will 
be automatically dissolved. The Constituent 
Assembly or any body of elected representatives 
can alone have a fully representative status. 
The Congress representative capacity has been 
ana can be questioned. But who can question 
the sole representative capacity of the elected 
delegates to the Constituent Assembly ? I cannot 
understand the Muslim opposition to the pro- 
posed Constituent Assembly. Are the opponents 
afraid that the Muslim League will not be elected 
by Muslim voters? Do they not realise that any 
Muslim demand made by the Muslim delegates 
will be irresistible? If the vast majority of Indian 
Muslims feel that they are not one nation with 
their Hindu and other brethren, who will be 
able to resist them ? But surely it is permissible 
to dispute the authority of the 50,000 Muslims 
who listened to Quaid-e-Azam to represent the 
feelings of eight crores of Indian Muslims. 

Sevagram, 26-3-40 


[ Shri Jaiprakash Narayan sent me a copy of 
his statement before the court which is printed 
below„ It is worthy of him, brave, brief and to 
the point. It is an irony of fate, as he himself 
has said, that his patriotism should be penalised. 
What tens of thousands think and thousands 
say in their talks, Shri Jaiprakash has said in 
public and before the very men who are pro- 
ducing war material. It is true that, if his 
words take effect and they are repeated, the 
Government would be embarrassed. But such 
embarrassment should set them thinking about 
their treatment of India instead of punishing 
a patriot for his open thinking. 

The concluding portion of the statement proves 
the author’s intense humanitarianism. He has 
no malice in him. He wants to end Imperial- 
ism and Nazism. He has no quarrel with 
Englishmen or Germans and says truly that, if 
England were to shed imperialism, not only 
India but the freedom-loving people of the 
whole world would exert themselves to see the 
defeat of Nazism and the victory of freedom 
and democracy. 

Sevagram, 26-3-40 M. K. G. ] 


“I have been charged with trying to impede 
the production of munitions and other supplies 
essential > to the efficient prosecution of the war, 
and with trying to influence the conduct and 
attitude of the public in a manner prejudicial 
to the defence of British India and the efficient 
prosecution of the war. I plead guilty to these 



These charges, however, do not constitute a 
guilt for me but a duty which I discharge 
regardless of the consequence. That they also 
constitute an offence under certain laws of the 
foreign Government established by force in this 
country, does not concern me. The object of 
these laws is diametrically opposed to the object 
of nationalist India of which I am but an 
humble representative. That we should come in 
conflict is only natural. 

My country is not a party to this war in 
any manner, for it regards both German Nazism 
and British Imperialism as evils and enemies, 
Iz finds that both the sides in this war are 
driven by selfish ends of conquest and domination, 
exploitation and oppression. Great Britain is fight- 
ing not to destroy Nazism, which it has nurtured, 
but to curb a rival whose might can no longer 
be allowed to grow unchallenged. It is fighting 
to maintain its dominant place in the world 
and to preserve its imperial power and glory. 
As far as India is concerned, Great Britain is 
fighting to perpetuate the Indian Empire. 

Plainly, India can have no truck with such a 
war. No Indian can permit the resources of his 
country to be utilized to buttress up imperial- 
ism, and to be converted through the processes 
of the war into the chains of his country’s 
slavery. The Congress, the only representative 
voice of nationalist India, has already pointed 
out this sacred duty to the people of this 
country. I, as an humble servant of the Congress, 
have only tried to fulfil this duty. 

The British Government on the other hand, 
in utter disregard for Indian opinion, has declar- 
ed India a belligerent power and is utilizing 
Indian men, money and materials for a war 
to which we have pledged our uncompromis- 
ing opposition. This is in the nature of an 
aggression against India, no less serious in 
the circumstances than German aggression against 
Poland. India cannot but resist this aggres- 
sion. It therefore becomes the patriotic duty 
of every Indian to oppose the attempt of the 
British Government to use the country’s resour- 
ces for its imperialist ends. Thus the charge 
framed against me of trying to impede the 
efficient prosecution of the war is only the ful- 
filment of a patriotic duty. That the British 
Government should consider what is a duty for 
patriotic India to be an offence, only proves 
further its imperialist character. 

Regarding the speech for which I am being 
prosecuted, I cannot say how far it succeeded 
in achieving its ends. But nothing would please 
me more than to learn that it did have some 
success in impeding the effective prosecution of 
the war. I shall deem the heaviest punishment 

well earned if I am found to have succeeded 
in this. 

As for the charge of endangering the defence 
of British India, I think the irony of it cannot 
he lost upon us. A slave has no obligation to 
defend his slavery. His only obligation -is to 

[ March 30 , 1940 

destroy his bondage. I hope we shall know 
how to defend ourselves when we have achieved 
our freedom. 

I consider it fortunate that I have been prose- 
cuted for a Jamshedpur speech. This important 
industrial centre, which I consider the mos^ 
important in the country, is peculiarly backward 
politically and from the point of view of the 
labour movement. I shall derive some satisfac- 
tion in prison, where I expect inevitably to find 
myself, from the thought that my arresc and 
incarceration for a speech delivered there has 
attracted to that city the notice of the political 
and labour leaders of my country. It seems 
scandalous to me that the country’s most vital 
resources should be so wasted in a war to 
which we are so firmly opposed. And it seems 
no less scandalous to me that while labour 
throughout the country should be reacting vigor- 
ously to the conditions created by the war, 
Jamshedpur labour should carry on as if nothing 
extraordinary has happened. May, at least, the 
demand for a war bonus gain some momentum 
from this prosecution. 

Before concluding 1 should like to add that, 
lest as an Englishman you should misunderstand 
me, I should make it clear that in impeding 
the prosecution of the war I have no desire to 
help Germany or to see Germany victorious. I 
desire the victory neither of Imperialism nor 
of Nazism. Yet, as a Congressman and a socia- 
list I have nothing but goodwill for the British 
and German people. If India’s opposition to 
Britain’s imperialist war ensures a Nazi victory, 
it is for the British people to decide whether 
they would have Nazi hegemony or victory 
with real democracy at home and in India. If 
the people of Great Britain remove their present 
rule and renounce imperialism with its capitalist 
rulers, not only India but the freedom-loving 
people of the whole world would exert them- 
selves to see the defeat of Nazism and the 
victory of freedom and democracy. In the 
present circumstances, however, India has no 
alternative but to fight and end British 
imperialism. Only in that manner can it contri-^ 
butc to the peace and progress of the world. 

I am conscious, Sir, that I have made your 
task easier by this statement. I do not regret it. 

In the end I thank you for your courtesey 
and consideration during this trial.” 

Some Books by Gandhiji 



Satyagraba in South Africa 

Rs. 4 




My Early Life 





Speeches and Writings 





Cent Per Cent Swadeshi 





Hind Swaraj 





From Yeravda Mandir 
Self-Restraint v. Self-Indulgence 





Parts I & II ( each) 





Manager, Harijan; Poona 4; 

and 81 

Queen’s Road,* 

Bombay 2. 

I^iARCH 30, 1940 1 


ixaugural address 

[The following is a synopsis of Acharya Kripa- 
■ianfs inaugural address at the Basic Educational 
Conference held at Poona last October. Those 
who would like to read this instructive address 
in full should apply to the Office of the Hindu- 
stan; Taliml Sangh, Sevagram. ] 

Systems of education not only here but all 
over the world suffered from decadence. Seeds 
of corruption set in when institutions become 
compleii, over-civilised, when the primal impulse 
and reason that gave them birth become 
exhausted. In the dawn of history all knowledge 
proceeded from the concrete, the discrete and 
the real, from what could be seen and sensed. 
Man and animal both had nature around them; 
but man, unlike the animal, began to work upon 
nature and give it new and fanciful shapes. He 
acquired knowledge by this process and began to 
master nature for his ever-increasing needs. In 
Hindu philosophy it is said that the world is 
made of rup and nam, form and name. Form 
must come first and name afterwards. But in 
our educational system, we have inverted this 
natural order and put names and general terms 
first and objects afterwards. By the new system 
we are called back to mother earth, back to the 
primal process of acquiring knowledge, which 
humanity has successfully employed in raising itself. 

When Gandhiji first announced his new reform 
the learned, who had acquired their knowledge 
in the orthodox way by means of words and 
phrases, were up against the scheme. If they 
had, instead of pronouncing judgment a priori, 
studied the scheme, they would have found it 
natural, scientific and psychological. All know- 
ledge proceeds from observation and experiment, 
frorn the practical to the theoretical. It must 
be justified by human experience. Gandhiji was 
thinking of this scientific process. He was also 
thinking in terms of child psychology. The 
child finds it natural and easy to handle and 
work upon things and thus acquire knowledge. 
The present system of education runs counter, 
therefore, to child psychology. The essence of 
■science is the investigation of truth by the 
experimental method. Gandhiji claims to have 
learnt through experience and experiment. 

If the method is natural and scientific, it can 
suit any system of education whatever its aim. 
In Europe and America the craft method has 
been advocated apart from any general aim. It 
has been advocated for an individualist and 
capitalist, as well as for a socialist or communist, 
society. It has been advocated even by religious 
organisations. Even so we may not forget that 
Gandhiji lighted upon this method in connection 
with the rest of his philosophy of life for the 
individual and society. If our education has 
suffered grievously from a defective and unscien- 
tific method, it has suffered more from defective 
and unworthy ideals. It was designed to produce 
cheap coloured administrative and clerical assis- 
tants for the white Government; in the words 
of Macaulay, to produce a race of Anglo-Ssixons 
in thought and culture who were Indians only 
in the colour of their skins. The educated 
Indian has thus been effectively cut off from 
the masses. An unbridgeable gulf has been 
created between _ him and them. The national 
movement has tried to bring them together by 
.giving them a common goal to strive for. If it 
is, therefore, necessary to change the method in 
•education, it is perhaps more necessary to 
provide it with worthy and noble ideals. 

To understand the philosophy of a reformer 
such as Gandhiji it is necessary to view :t 
against the historical background. Oniy^ so can 
one fully evaluate and appreciate the changes he 
proposes to bring about in the present order of 
things. The march of history unfolds a struggle 
to the knife of economic classes. The Marxian 
interpretation of history is economic; its method 
of investigation is scientific. Science has nothing 
to do with final aims and values, but we are 
told that the unconscious aim of this ideojiogy 
is to produce a classless society. This may be 
said to be a culminating point of process rather 
than an aim. In spite, however, of belittling 
moral and spiritual aims the Marxist has tc 
posit such ends to justify all the pain and 
travail of history, while Gandhiji puts these in 
the very forefront of his philosophy. 

The aim of history is to change the natural 
man into the moral or spiritual man and make 
him into a member of a moral or spiritual society. 
There must be some harmonious correlation 
between the life of the individual and society. 
Few will quarrel with me when I say that a 
moral or spiritual person is a free person, and 
that human freedom cannot be thought of apart 
from human responsibility. Moral man combines 
free choice with due restraint, and liberty with 
responsibility. To attain this end he must be' a 
member of an appropriate moral society. 

Humanity began with strife, violence and war. 
Later it moved out of this chaotic condition and 
some kind of justice and equality were establish- 
ed. The law that might alone is right was 
partially modified. Later still men felt within 
themselves the call for a higher order of good- 
ness, mercy, charity and love. The existing society 
could not satisfy this inner need. Thus it was 
that Buddha renounced the world and Christ 
declared that his kingdom was not of this world 
but of the other. And society that was divided 
between masters and slaves came to be further 
divided between those who followed the way of 
the Lord and those who renounced the world. 

The great renouncers organised societies after 
their hearts’ desires, societies free from exploita- 
tion, free from class distinctions of high and 
low. These groups were as oases in a desert of 
inequality, injustice, lust, and pride of power. 
Tryanny and injustice continued unabated until 
men roused themselves from age-long sleep, and 
the struggle of the slaves against the masters 
established what is known as democracy. Demo- 
cracy asserts the moral worth of the individual 
in society. If this new-found democratic principle 
in the politics of the nations had been allowed 
free scope to develop itself, it might have saved 
nations from internal conflicts and established a 
unified social order. But scientific inventions and 
discoveries of new lands ushered in the industrial 
revolution and the modern empire. This divided 
humanity into the haves and the have-nots. The 
new need became economic and gave birth to 
the cult of socialism which proclaims the equa- 
lity of man in the economic field. We see this 
socialism at work in Russia. Some sort of eco- 
nomic equality has been established but by the 
curtailment of individual 'initiative and liberty. 
For the new creed the individual apart from 
society does not exist. Bolshevik economic equality 
is built upon big centralised mechanised industry 
and agriculture and naturally affects the political 
field also. The result is bureaucratic rule. 

In ancient times the most absolute of rulers 
had certain limits placed upon their tyranny and 
rapacity by the morality of the age as embodied 
in custom, religion, superstition. Modern dendio- 




cracy caaie in simultaneouslv with the advance 
of scientific research. The freedom of the indivi- 
dual divested of moral responsibility introduced 
a chaotic element. Only recently when demo- 
cracy IS in danger have its advocates dimly 
begun to realise that it is not merely a poli- 
tical device but a great and moral principle. 

Gandhiji believes in the spiritual origin and 
destiny of man. This destiny has got to be 
worked out by the average man and woman in 
a moral society. It is therefore necessary that 
the means must in all spheres be as pure as 
the end. In all insticutions guided by him it is 
Gandhiji’s eflEbrt to retain for humanity the 
moral and material gains of democracy and social- 
ism. His advocac;v of cottage and village indus- 
tries along wdth decentralised agriculture and 
commerce connotes a moral principle. He is too 
moral and humanitarian to allow the machine 
to sw-allow up the free individual. Political life, 
internal and international, must be guided by truth 
aud non-violence. There must be no secret 
diplomacy and armaments. Holders of political 
powder must be the servants of their people. Their 
economic life must be in keening with the ave- 
rage standards of comfort prevalent in the nation. 
No work or profession must be considered high 
or low. Every worker, however humble, is not 
only worthy of his wage but also of honour. 
All Gandhiji’s practical programmes are directed 
towards the concrete aim of providing moral man 
with a moral society. His philosophy works for 
a non-violent revolution and ushers in a new 
epoch in history. It is to educate the indivi- 
dual and society in the light of the nrir.ciri.c*: 
of this new revolution that he has propounded 
his new scheme of education. It is a natural and 
scientific method with worthy and noble aims. It 
is in this light that the scheme should be judged. 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

A correspondent sends me a newspaper report 
of a speech delivered by the Chief Judge of 
Mysore at a meeting recently held in Bangalore 
to help the war. He is reported to have said : 

The Allies were not fighting for democracy or 
any particular form of government. They were 

only fighting so that all nations might live in peace 
and develop on their own lines. They were fighting 
to put an end to all forms of aggression by one 

nation against others. Let them not in India be 

too sure -that the war would not touch them 

directly. War touched every one of them in India 
and also the generations yet unborn. 

He knew that most people in India were prepared 

to do their utmost to ensure the victory of the 

Allies. But some people had stood aloof. The 

leaders of a certain political party in this country 
had decided that this was the proper occasion for 
them to bargain for their political ends, had threa- 
tened that, if what they asked for was not granted, 
they would create trouble in India and so help the 

enemy. Such action on their part had greatly 

encouraged the enemy too. 

In every history there were some pages which 

people of the nation concerned read with shame. 
He was sure that when the history of India came 
to be written Indian children of the future would 
skip over with shame that part relating to the 
tactics of such politicians as he had referred to. 

[ March 30, 1940 

He was quite certain that such persons who 
bargained for their political rights at this hour did 
not represent the heart of India. If he had thought 
that they did, he would wish he had never set foot 
in India. But he had lived in India for 40 yea^s 
and knew that India as a nation was quite 
generous and warm-hearted and would respond to 
all good causes." 

It is hardly likely that His Honour the Chief 
Judge knows of the secrets of the British 
Cabinet. In any event, if Britain is fighting 
against mere aggression, it can hardly be called 
a worthy aim. Having been the foremost 
aggressor in the world Britain could not justify 
her fight against Germany on the pretext put 
forth by the learned Chief Judge. 

My correspondent in sending the cutting says 
in his covering letter : 

“ 1. He ought not to have entered into matters 
of political controversy at a non-parfy meeting 
convened under royal auspices. 

2. He, being the Chief Justice of a High Court, 
overstepped the bciinds of property in publicly 
attacking the politics of a particular party. 

3, He, being a judicial officer of an Indian State, 
ought not to have gone out of the way and meddled 
with the party politics of British India.” 

I think the criticism is just. The Congress 
will survive the attack. But I do not know 
whether the Paramount Power should not take 
notice of the Chief Judge’s extraordinary utterance. 
Surely he misuses the word bargain when he 
applies it to the Congress policy. What is there 
to be ashamed of in the Congress seeking the deli- 
verance of the country from foreign rule even 
when the foreigner is in distress ? If the Congress 
was not committed to the method of peace, it 
would have been not only justified but would have 
deemed it its duty to take advantage of Britain’s 
diflficulty by creating a state of rebellion in* 
the country by every means at its disposal. But 
the Congress has adopted the policy of peace. 
No doubt it would have done better if it could 
have honestly accepted my advice. The choice 
before the Congress was not between two evils 
but between good and better. The better was 
beyond its ability and would therefore have 
harmed and weakened it. Thus ‘ good ’ was the 
best for the Congress, and so I threw in my 
lot with it. I would have been a traitor if, 
having led the Congress to accept non-violence 
as its policy, I had remained on my pedestal 
and refused to guide the great organisation. It 
ill becomes those who believe in war as an 
accepted institution to charge the Congress with 
the spirit of bargaining. The word is a misfit 
when it is applied to the life and death struggle 
of a nation bent upon vindicating its right to 

Sevagram, 25-3-40 


The business hours of our Bombay branch are 
now from 11 A. M. to 7-30 p, M. Address: 67 & 81 
Queen’s Road, Bombay 2. Manager 

March 30, 1940 ] 




[For the first time during the last six years, 
2 : e. ever since his retirement from the Congress, 
Gandhiji expressed his own desire to address the 
Subjects Committee and also the delegates. I 
have given in my notes a glimpse of his mental 
background. The physical background was pro- 
vided by some of the speeches of the members 
of the Subjects Committee and the delegates 
which he had gone specially to hear. At the 
Subjects Committee at about quarter to ten on 
the evening of the 18th, Gandhiji addressed the 
meeting, and nearly twenty thousand people 
listened to him in a silence that matched the 
stillness of the night — the only sound being that 
of his speech delivered in firm, deliberate, un- 
faltering tones giving to everyone the impression 
that the speaker was in dead earnest and would 
not be trifled with. The speech at the open 
Congress on the 20th was delivered to an 
audience of about fifty thousand who had stayed 
for the Congress undeterred by the torrential 
rain of the previous evening and night. It was 
nearing noon but the rain-clouds shielded the 
audience from the heat of the sun. There was 
the same stillness and the same atmosphere as 
on the evening of the 18th. M. D.] 


To Find Out Where I Was 

Since I went out of the Congress at Bombay, 
there has been an understanding between me 
and the Working Committee that I should not 
be asked to speak at tbe A. I. C. C. or the 
Subjects Committee or the open session, and 
should be allowed to conserve the little strength 
that is left in me. I have usually been attend- 
ing the meeting of tbe Working Committee. On 
this occasion, I myself suggested . that I should 
address the Subjects- Committee and also the 
delegates. The Working Committee agreed to this 
and, although I wanted to address you before the 
resolution was adopted, the Committee suggested 
that Ido so after the resolution was disposed of. 

It was my desire to see the faces of you all, 

■ and also to give you an opportunity of looking 
at me and finding out if there had been any 
change in me since my retirement in Bombay. 
Fifty years of public life have given me the 
capacity to read your faces. I have during these 
years created many institutions, met thousands 
•and tens of thousands of people, and it should 
not therefore be difficult for me to get at the 
back of your minds. But my desire to see you 
•was in order to find out where I was. 


You have, I see, made considerable progress 
in the art of debate and I congratulate you, for 
-in a democratic organisation powers of persua- 
sion and a high level of debate are essential. I 
have also seen that the number of amendments 
you move has also increased, and it is well 
that you should all be anxious to press new 
ftoints of view, though I cannot congratulate 

you on some of the amendments which were 
either frivolous or abs'urd. 

You have adopted the resolution practically 
unanimously as there were only seven or eight 
dissentients. That adds to my responsibility, for 
I have been witness to tbe debate. If I had so 
desired. I should have warned you before voting, 
but I accepted the suggestion of the Working 
Committee that I should not address the house 
before tbe resolution was passed. 

I do not want to reply to what has been 
said by some of you in the course of the debate. 
But I do want to say that, though there was 
a time in my life when I launched movements 
even if some of my conditions had not been 
fulfilled, I am now going to be hard, not for 
the sake of being hard, but because a General 
who has to lead the army must let the army 
know his conditions beforehand. 

• Let me then- tell you that I do not see at 
the present moment conditions propitious for an 
immediate launching of the campaign. We are 
hemmed in with difficulties greater than those 
we had to face in the past. They are external 
and internal. The external difficulties are due 
to the fact that we have declared unmistakably 
what we want and. the Government have also 
declared their intentions as clearly as possible. 
Then there is the fact that the British Govern- 
ment are engaged in a world war and naturally, 
if we engage them in a flight, we ask for 
enough trouble. 

What, however, appals me is our internal 
difficulties, I have often said that external 
difficulties need never frighten a Satyagrahi. On 
the contrary, he flourishes on external difficulties 
and faces them with redoubled zeal and vigour. 
Today the situation is almost the reverse. Our 
external difficulties do not find us stronger 
and more united. Our internal difficulties are 
increasing. Our Congrsss registers are full of 
bogus members and members who have swelled 
them because they know that getting into the 
Congress means getting into power. Those who 
therefore never before thought of entering the 
Congress have come into it and corrupted it. And 
how can we prevent people from coming into 
a democratic organisation because they come 
from selfish motives? We have not that discipline, 
and not the strength and purity of public opinion 
which would compel such people to stay out. 

And this strength and purity cannot come so 
long as we approach the primary members only 
once in a year for the vote There is no dis- 
cipline in our ranks, they have been divided up 
into groups which strive to gain more and more 
power. Non-violence as between ourselves does 
not seem to us to be necessary. There may be 
groups, but they should strengthen and not 
weaken and destroy the organisation. 

No Democracy in an Army 

Ours has been both a democratic organisa- 
tion and a fighting one, ever since we reorga- 
nised it in 1920. We have used even military 


[March 30, 194^> 

. 72 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

An Indian protagonist of Britain writes : 

“ If our aim is to arouse the best in Englishmen 
through our non-violence and thus create mutual 
trust, we have signally failed. Our actions have not 
beeu in conformity with our professions. Our best 
period of non-violence ( when we manufactured least 
hatred towards England ) was the period of Con- 
gress regime in provinces. On account of personal 
contact with Governors, mutual trust was generated. 
Even that period was not free from rancour, but 
now the whole atmosphere is again getting surchar- 
ged with nothing but hatred towards England. 
Cordiality is being replaced by bitterness and trust 
by distrust. All our activities and arguments 
are only arousing the worst in the Englishmen. 
What visible demonstration have we given of 
our non-violence or of our desire to cultivate 
goodwill ? Armed rebellion and coercion through 
uncivil disobedience, no doubt, are ruled out. But the 
threat of disobedience is still there, and since pure 
non-violence at present is not existent, even mere 
threat of war cannot but rouse violent passions; and 
so there is no hope of developing that goodwill for- 
which pledges were taken. Is not a compromise 
based on give and take a more appropriate machi- 
nery for ( 1 ) Creating a non-violent atmosphere ; 
(2) Creating goodwill, ( 3 ) Rousing the best in the 
Englishmen and, ( 4 ) Creating a short cut to 
Independence through mutual co-operation ?’* 

The argument does credit to the heart of 
the writer, but he misses the method of non- 
violence. He has started with a half premise. 
Our aim is not merely to arouse the best in 
Englishmen but to do so whilst we are prose- 
cuting our cause. If we cease to pursue our 
course, we do not evoke the best in him but 
we pander to the evil in him. The best must 
not be confounded with good temper. When we 
are dealing with any evil, we may have to 
rujSEle the evil-doer. We have to run the risk, 
if we are to bring the best out of him. I have 
likened non-violence to aseptic and violence to 
antiseptic treatment. Both are intended to ward 
off the evil, and therefore cause a kind of dis- 
turbance which is often inevitable. The first 

never harms the evil-doer. 

Whilst I agree with the critic that our non- 
violence has not been unadulterated, I must 
dissent from the view that wc have signally 
failed. 1 am unable to agree that the best 

period of non-violence was the period of Con- 
gress regime. During that period non-violence 
was inactive. For each tried to please the 

other. Both were seemingly pursuing a common 
policy, though each had known reservations. 
The visible demonstration we have given of 
non-violence is that violent action has been 
successfully and entirely avoided through Con- 
gress influence. Being too near the event we 

are not able to have a true measure of the 
great restraint exercised by millions of men and 
women. I grant that we have not yet shed 
violence of the heart. But the amazing self- 
restraint exercised by the people fills me with 
the hope that violence of the heart will in due 
course give place to goodwill towards the 
opponent. It will never come if the critic’s 
plan of the policy of timidity, as I should call 
it, is pursued. Hatred will melt when restraint 
has been exercised sufficiently long to starve it. 
The effect of it on the English mind will also 
be equally wholesome in the long run. English- 
men will perceive that non-violence was real 
in so far as it went, and that masses of people 
could act with great restraint in spite of their 
nursing a grievance against them. 

All compromise is based on give and take, 
but there can be no give and take on funda- 
mentals. Any compromise on fundamentals is a 
surrender. For it is all give and no take. The 
time for compromise can only come when both 
are of one mind on fundamentals, i. e. when 
the British Government have made up their 
mind that not they but Indians will determine 
the constitution under which the latter will be 
governed. There is a dangerous snag in the 
reluctance to refer the question of constitution 
to an assembly of elected Indian representatives. 
Minorities need have no fear, for they will 
determine their own • safeguards through their 
own representatives. The Princes z^ceJ have 
none, for they need not come in, if tliey Jo 
not wish to. The only party that can 
effectively obstruct and does obstruct is the 
dominating, z. e. the ruling, party. There will 
be no compromise until that party has- sincerely 
come to the conclusion that it cannot or 
docs not want to rule. 

Sevagram, 24-3-40 

To Agents 

The attention of the agents is drawn to the fact 
that we do not accept cheques other than those drav/n 
on banks in Poona and Bombay. In view of recent 
complaints about loss of book post packets in transit, 
we now take certificates of posting. In cases, there- 
fore, of non-receipt agents may complain to their 
post offices. Manager 



M. D. 


The Oi,d Game 

Every Congress Committee 



A Satyacraiia Committee 
My Answer to 

M. K. Gandhi 



M. K. Gandhi 


A Brave Statement 

J. Narayan 


Acharya Kripalani’s 

Inaugural Address 


A Judge Descends 

M. K. Gandhi 


The Two Speeches 

M. K- Gandhi 


How TO Evoke the Best ... 

M. K. Gandhi 


Printed and Published by Vithal Hari Barve at the Aryabhushan Press 915/1 Fergusson College Road, Poona 4 
Subscription Rate. — IBLAUD : One year, Es. 4, Si* months, Es. ^-8, FOBEION : One year, Ks. 5-8 or, 8 sh. or i $. 


VoL. Vlir, No. 8 ] PCK)NA — SATURDAY, APRIL 6, 1940 [ ONE ANNA 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

Are You Not Moved? 

Q. You have written about Shri Jaiprakash 
Narayan. But are you not moved by his 
sentence ? Is it not a call to arms ? Will 
you even now wait till your impossible condi" 
tions are fulfilled? 

A. I fear I must wait till my conditions are 
fulfilled. You should allow me to know more 
than you of the way in which satyagraha 
works. Of course I am moved by the sen- 
tence pronounced against that brave co-worker. 

I wish I could move you as I am moved. If 
you were, you would silently and more persis- 
tently spread the charkha cult by yourself 
spinning full-heartedly and by taking its message 
to your neighbours. Jaiprakash having gone to 
jail, has had his reward. He had the inner 
urge. He deserved the reward. Believe me 
it will produce its own effect. If I become 
impatient and resort to precipitate action, the 
good done by Jaiprakash’s imprisonment is likely 
to be undone partly or wholly. I will not be 
party to producing an anarchical condition in 
India, nor will any good purpose be served by 
my inviting individuals to follow Jaiprakash’s 
example and court imprisonment. This jail- 
going in satyagraha does not admit of arith- 
metical application. Only one person's going 
may be most appropriate. Suffice it to say that 
Jaiprakash's imprisonment is engaging my serious 
attention. I wish all Congressmen would follow 
with redoubled zeal the task set before them. 

Constructive Work and C. D. 

Q. You have tabooed power politics from 
Gandhi Seva Sangh and similar institutions for 
the sake of constructive work. Does this mean 
that no workers engaged in these institutions 
can take part in civil disobedience ? I am 
afraid this water-tight division between civil 
resistance and constructive work will result in 
a crippling of the latter as no first-rate worker 
would take to it by renouncing civil resistance. 

A. Those who argue like you do not know 
the value of constructive work. It is any day 
superior to civil disobedience. Civil disobedience 
without the backing of constructive effort is 
neither civil nor non-violent. Those who do 
constructive work merely for the sake of civil 
disobedience look at things topsyturvy. At the 
present moment all satyagrahis have to hold 

themselves in readiness. But all may not Oe 
called. A soldier in reserve is as good as one 
on active duty. If the battle must come, I may 
say at once that my present plan is to disturb 
the constructive work as little as possible. 
Your question, I take it, has reference to those 
only who are working in organisations such 
as the A. I. S. A., A. 1. V. I A., H. S. S. 
and H. T. S. These will be as little disturbed 
as possible. But all Congressmen without 
exception, if they want to help the struggle, 
must take up constructive work in their persons. 

Khadi and Politics 

Q. Are you not endangering the khadi move- 
ment by identifying it with the political pro- 
gramme, especially the civil disobedience part of it ? 

A, Most certainly not. I would be, if khadi 
was confined only to Congressmen or civil 
resisters. Khadi is prescribed as national wear 
for all, whether Congressmen or other. It is used 
even by some Englishmen, Americans and other 
Westerners. Your objection, if it was valid, 
would apply even to communal unity, removal of 
untouchability and temperance. These four have 
gained importance and momentum since they 
were incorporated in the Congress constructive 
programme. They can all become illegal if they 
become mixed up with violence. If they did 
become illegal, it would be found that the 
movements as such were not suppressed but 
the organisations masquerading under innocent 
labels were in reality covering violence. 

Confusion of Thought 

Q. You will be responsible for a gross injus- 
tice if you persist in giving to India a majority 
Government with only ‘ safeguards ’ for the 
minorities. The latter ought to have an effective 
part in the actual government of the country. 

A. You have evidently confused majority 
rule with Hindu rule implying that the Hindu 
majority is irremovable. The fact is that the 
majority in all the provinces is a mixed 
majority. The parties are not Muslims and 
Hindus; they are Congressmen, Independents, 
Muslim Leaguers, Muslim Independents, Labour- 
ites, etc. The Congress majority everywhere is 
a mixed majority and could be better balanced 
if there was no tension. The tension is a 
distemper. A distemper can never be a per- 
manent feature of any growing society which 
India is. Whatever the outcome of the Muslim 
League demonstration and its claim, some day 
or other there will be a solution of the issues 

74 HAEIJAN [ APRIL 6, 1940 

raised. The outcome will never be pure Muslim 
■or Hindu majorities in any single province. The 
parties will be mixed and aligned according to 
different policies, unless democracy is crushed 
and autocracy reigns supreme in India as a 
whole or India is vivisected into two or more 
dead parts. If you have followed my argument, 
it must be clear to you that there will never 
be a denial of power to any party or group 
so far as the Congress is concerned. Minorities 
are entitled to full protection of their rights, 
for so long as they have to divide power with 
others, they run the risk of their special rights 
being adulterated. 

A Dilemma 

Q. My father is an employee in the S. L Rail- 
way. He has four children, all younger than I. 
He wants me to take an apprenticeship course, 
if I take part in the coming civil disobedience 
struggle, he may be dismissed and the family 
will starve. He says I can serve the nation by 
doing my share of constructive work. What is 
your advice? 

A. Your father is right. If you are the 
only bread-winner, you cannot leave ti'.e family 
to its fate for the sake of taking pari in civil 
disobedience. You will certainly serve the 
nation quite as effectively as civil resistors if you 
zealously carry out the constructive programme. 

Vain Repetitions 

Q. All agree that mechanical repetition of 
prayers is worse than useless. It acts as an 
opiate on the soul. I often wonder why you 
encourage repetition morning and evening of the 
eleven great vows as a matter of routine. May 
not this have a dulling effect on the moral 
consciousness of our boys? Is there no better 
way of inculcating these vows? 

A. Repetitions when they are not mechanical 
produce marvellous results. Thus I do not regard 
the rosary as a superstition. It is an aid to the 
pacification of a wandering brain. Daily repeti- 
tion of the vows falls under a different category. 
It is a daily reminder to the earnest seeker as 
he rises and retires that he is under the eleven 
vows which are to regulate his conduct. No 
doubt it will lose its effect if a person repeats 
the vows mechanically under the delusion that 
the mere repetition will bring him merit. You 
may ask, “ Why repeat the vows at all ? You 
know that you have taken them and are expected 
to observe them/’ There is force in the argument. 
But experience has shown that a deliberate 
repetition gives stimulus to the resolution. Vows 
arc to the weak mind and soul what tonics are 
to a weak body. Just as a healthy body needs 
no tonics, a strong mind may retain its health 
without the need of vows and the daily 
reminder thereof. An examination of the vows 
will, however, show that most of us are weak 
enough to need their assistance. 

On Behalf of Disabled People 
Q. You stand for the poor and helpless. 
Would you not include the providing of at 

least one daily meal to disabled beggars as an 
item of the daily routine of a “ constructive 
worker’? A large number of the former are 
lepers. There is not a city in India of any note 
without its quota of these hapless creatures. 
Their condition is deserving of your pity and 

A. Valuable as this work undoubtedly is, it 
cannot become part of the constructive pro- 
gramme, It is not every form of social relief 
that can be made part of the Congress construc- 
tive programme. Such programme can only 
cover that part, the omission of which would 
make the attainment of Swaraj through non- 
violence impossible. Who can deny that Hindu- 
Muslim unity, removal of untouchability, temper- 
ance, and the charkha are essential for achiev- 
ing our object ? My answer, however, does not 
mean that disabled humanity does not need any 
attention. No man or woman, whether of the 
Congress or not, can be worth much if he or 
she neglects to do his or her part of social 
service in the widest sense of the term. 

Sevagram, 1-4-40 


The Gandhi Ashram at pLdupalayan:, Tiru- 
chengodu ( Dt. Salem, South India ), which was 
founded by Rajaji who nurtured it and made it 
his own residence for a number of years, com- 
pleted the fifteenth year of its existence at the 
end of 1939, and the latest annual report for 
1939 shows a record of creditable service 
rendered to the villages round about. The 
main activity of the Ashram has been khadi 
production, and the following figures ( for 
1939 ) of the volume of production and amounts 
of wages disbursed speak for themselves: 

Khadi production 



Yarn „ 



Khadi consumed 

by spinners under 





Spinning wages 




Weaving „ 




Dhobis’ „ 




Rs. 2,220 represented the loss met by the 
Ashram in supplying improved implements to 
spinners at half price. The khadi activity of 
the Ashram covered 283 villages. 3,182 spinners 
were on record, and their yearly earnings ranged 
from Rs. 5 to Rs. 75, the variation being 
accounted for by the difference in time devoted 
to the work. The average annual earning of a 
spinner was Rs. 11-4-0, a weaver Rs. 145-12-0, 
and a dhobi Rs. 80 — the spinner and the dhobi 
being part time workers. To many of the latter 
the work served as a second string to the bow. 
The figures of income may seem meagre to a 
city-dweller, but in villages where income stands 
at the low level of about Rs. 2 to 3, even this 
is a substantial addition and may in some cases 
even help to keep the wolf from the door. 
The weaver weaving handspun yarn has an 
advantage over his mill yarn weaving brother 
in that, whereas the latter experiences great 


April 6, 1940 ] 

difficulty in finding a market for his finished 
product, the former is freed from any such 
worry, is provided with work all the year 
round, and has to submit to no exploitation 
by middlemeUc The sales of khadi effected 
through the agency of the Ashram amounted 
to Rs. 87,000 for the year. 

The Ashram also runs at Tiruchengodu 4 
schools for Harijans and also a hostel having 
17 boarders. It has a free hospital where the 
average daily attendance is 40 and on which 
Rs, 1,866 were spent in the year under report. 
The apiary work is well on the way of being 
permanently established. An institution like this* 
which has more than justified its existence, 
should not be allowed to feel handicapped for 
want of funds which should readily come forth 
in the form of donations. 

c. s. 


The Basic Education Court in the recent 
Exhibition at Ramgarh was very attractive and 
certainly interesting for those who were at all 
keen on the new scheme of education. The 
presence of a class of a few dear little boys, 
neatly clad in khadi shorts and shirts, zealously 
spinning away on their taklis, added life to the 
exhibits of yarn and the products from various 
schools. This was the third exhibition of its 
kind since the scheme came into being. It was 
heartening to sense progress. The cloth produced 
from this yarn should compete favourably with 
similar quality material in A. I. S. A. bhandars. 
Its sale need not then be a difficulty. Card- 
board articles, I was glad to notice, were improv- 
ing and due attention was being paid to pro- 
duce only matketable things — files and boxes for 
confectionery; the latter giving ample scope for 
varying patterns and accurate measurements to 
the pupils, should not become a burden to any 
establishment. Then the Bihar bamboo and 
" moos ” small carding bow which even a child 
of six can manipulate has been perfected and its 
gOosamer-like carding was a joy to behold. Its 
cost is now two pice; hence it is possible for 
each child to possess his own in class. New 
products that deserve special mention were 
“asans” made in Loni and Bihar schools from 
waste yarn and the wood work of the Training 
Centre, Wardha. The bread and fruit platters 
made of seasoned wood were particularly charm- 
ing in design and well polished and finished. 
Then there were ladles of varying sizes, takii 
and charkha winders, sliver makers, etc. etc. 

Charts showed a definite improvement. They 
were divided into economic, educational and 
administrative spheres, showing results hitherto 
achieved as well as possibilities for future 
improvement. Those defining the correlation 
between the craft and various subjects were 
specially interesting. 

The most original thing in the Court, how- 
ever, were the pictures that decorated the walls. 

They were the handiwork of a young arsist^ 
Shri Nihar Ranjan Chaudhuri, a pupil of Shri 
Nandalal Bose. He spent three months in just 
reading all the literature available about the 
new scheme of education. After that he spent 
days and weeks at a time in most of the 

basic schools in the provinces watching and 

and listening to both pupils and teachers. The 
inner meaning of the scheme definitely inspired 
him to the extent of enabling him to depict 
its soul through the medium of his art. The 

pictures portrayed four crafts, spinning, wood 
work, cardboard and agriculture. The artist 

also depicted four possible crafts which are 
being tried in Kashmir and Allahabad, e. g. 
paper-making, leather work, pottery and basket 
weaving. The paintings show how the teacher 
begins his task, how the tools should be handled, 
how the pupils should sit or stand, how they 
should be clad, how various postures help better 
production, why accuracy must be adhered to, 
how attractive and colourful the class rooms may 
be, how neatness and order are a natural out- 
come of a wise use of material and tools, how 
patience is developed through correct correla- 
tion between the brain and the hand, what joy 
comes from seeing the result of the labour of 
one’s hands, and how their task completely 
absorbs both pupil and teacher. The details of 
each craft were well mastered and the colouring 
of the pictures was delicate and alive. Two which 
portrayed excursions to river and countryside 
were specially joyous. There was too a pictorial 
forecast of the elevating effect of the new 
education, the children being shown as model 
citizens, free from the taint of separatism. The 
artist has followed the Indo-Persian school of 
art in all his* designs. The paintings were all 
on handmade paper and mounted on khadi. 
Indigenous colours were used throughout. The 
pictures should constitute a good nucleus for 
any Basic Education Centre or Museum. 

Sevagram, 30-3-40 A. K. 

Scholarships for Harijau Girls 

Applications are invited from Harijan girls alt 
over India ( including States ) for the Thakkar 
Jayanti Scholarships for Higher Vocational Educa- 
tion. Higher Vocational Education includes study of 
the Fine Arts, Medicine, Nursing and Midwifery,, 
Law, Engineering, Teachers’ Training, etc. In very 
exceptional cases College Scholarships for Arts and 
Science courses will be awarded to Harijan girls 
from provinces and states where Harijans are educa- 
tionally very backward. Such provinces and states will' 
be Bihar, U. P., Delhi, Sind, Gujarat, Kaihiawad, 
Mahakoshal, Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Rajputana, Central 
India and Hyderabad States. The scholarships will 
be awarded to Harijan girls studying in recognised 
colleges, professional schools » or universities and 
such other vocational institutions as may be approved 
by the Sangh. Applications will have to be made to 
the General Secretary, Harijan Sevak Sangh, Kings- 
way, Delhi, on prescribed application forms which can 
be had from the office of the Sangh before the 
10th June 1940. 

A. V. Thakkar 

Delhi, 29-3-40 General Secretary 

76 HARIJAN [APRIL 6, 1940 

Apr. 6 



(By M. K. Gandhi') 

A question has been put to me: “Do you 
intend to start general civil disobedience al- 
though Qaid-i-Azam Jinnah has declared war 
against Hindus and has got the Muslim League 
to pass a resolution favouring vivisection of 
India into two ? If you do, what becomes of 
your formula that there is no Swaraj without 
communal unity ? ’’ 

I admit that the step taken by the Muslim 
League at Lahore creates a baffling situation. 
But I do not regard it so baffling as to make 
civil disobedience an impossibility. Supposing that 
the Congress is reduced to a hopeless minority> 
it will still be open to it, indeed it may be 
its duty, to resort to civil disobedience. The 
struggle will not be against the majority, it will 
be against the foreign ruler. If the struggle 
succeeds, the fruits thereof will be reaped as 
well by the Congress as by the opposing majority. 
Let me, however, say in parenthesis that, until 
the conditions I have mentioned for starting 
civil disobedience are fulfilled, civil disobedience 
caimot be started in any case. In the present 
instance there is nothing to prevent the impe- 
rial rulers from declaring their will in unequi- 
vocal terms that henceforth India will govern 
herself according to her own will, not that of 
the rulers as has happened hitherto. Neither 
the Muslim League nor any other party can oppose 
such a declaration. For the Muslims will be 
entitled to dictate their own terms. Unless the 
rest of India wishes to engage in internal fratri- 
cide, the others will have to submit to Muslim 
dictation if the Muslims will resort to it. I 
know no non-violent method of compelling the 
obedience of eight crores of Muslims to the will 
of the rest of India, however powerful a majo- 
rity the test may represent. The Muslims must 
have the same right of self-determination that 
the rest of India has. We are at present a 
joint family. Any member may claim a division. 

Thus, so far as I am concerned, my proposi- 
tion that there is no Swaraj without communal 

unity holds as good today as when I first 
enunciated it in 1919. 

But civil disobedience stands on a different 
footing. It is open even to one single person 
to offer it, if he feels the call. It will not be 
offered for the Congress alone or for any 
particular group. Whatever benefit accrues from 
it will belong to the whole of India. The 
injury, if there is any, will belong only to 
the civil disobedience party. 

But I do not believe that Muslims, when it 
comes to a matter of actual decision, will ever 
want vivisection. Their good sense will prevent 

them. Their self-interest will deter them. Thei^^ 
religion will forbid the obvious suicide which 
the partition would mean. The “ two nations *' 
theory is an untruth. The vast majority of 
Muslims of India are converts to Islam or are 
descendants of converts. They did not become 
a separate nation as soon as they became con- 
verts. A Bengali Muslim speaks the same tongue 
that a Bengali Hindu does, eats the same food, 
has the same amusements as his Hindu neighbour. 
They dress alike. I have often found it diffl- 
cult to distinguish by outward sign between a 
Bengali Hindu and a Bengali Muslim. The same 
phenomenon is observable more or less in the 
south among the poor who constitute the masses 
of India. When 1 first met the late Sir Ali 
Imam I did not know that he was not a Hindu. 
His speech, his dress, his manners, his food 
were the same as of the majority of the Hindus 
in whose midst I found him. His name alone 
betrayed him. Not even that with Qaid-i-Azam 
Jinnah. For his name could be that of any 
Hindu. When I first met him, I did not know 
that he was a Muslim. I came to know his 
religion when I had his full name given to me. 
His nationality was written in his face and 
manner. The reader will be surprised to know 
that for days, if not months, I used to think of 
the late Vithalbhai Patel as a Muslim as he 
used to sport a beard and a Turkish cap. The 
Hindu law of inheritance governs many Muslim 
groups. Sir Mahomed Iqbal used to speak with 
pride of his Brahmanical descent. Iqbal and 
Kitchlew are names common to Hindus and 
Muslims. Hindus and Muslims of India are not 
two nations. Those whom God has made one, 
man will never be able to divide. 

And is Islam such an exclusive religion as 
Qaid-i-Azam |would have it? Is there nothing 
in common between Islam and Hinduism or any 
other religion? Or is Islam merely an enemy 
of Hinduism? Were the Ali Brothers and their 
associates wrong when they hugged Hindus as 
blood brothers and saw so much in common 
between the two ? I am not now thinking of 
individual Hindus who may have disillusioned 
the Muslim friends. Qaid-i-Azam has, however, 
raised a fundamental issue. This is his thesis : 

“It is extremely difficult to appreciate why our 
Hindu friends fail to understand the real nature of 
Islam and Hinduism. They are not religions in the 
strict sense of the word, but are, in fact, different 
and distinct social orders, and it is a ffieam that 
the Hindus and Muslims can ever evolve a common 
nationality. This misconception of one Indian nation 
has gone far beyond the limits and is the cause of 
most of our troubles and will lead India to destruc- 
tion if we fail to revise our notions in time. 

The Hindus and Muslims have two different reli- 
gious philosophies, social customs, literatures. They 
neither intermarry, nor interdine together, and indeed, 
they belong to two different civilisations which are 
based mainly on conflicting ideas and conceptions. 
Their aspects on life and of life are different. It 
is quite clear that Hindus and Mussalmans derive 
their inspiration from different sources of history. 
They have different epics, their heroes are different » 

April 6, 1940 ] HARIJAE" 


and they have different episodes, "^^’ery often the 
hero of one is a foe of the other andj likewise, 
their victories and defeats overlap. To yoke together 
two such nations under a single state, one as a 
numerical minority and the other as majority, must 
lead to growing discontent and final destruction of 
any fabric that may be so built up for the govern- 
ment of such a state.” 

He does not say some Hindis are bad; he 
says Hindus as such have nothing in common 
with Muslims. I make bold to say that he 
and those who think like him are rendering no 
service to Islam; they are misinterpreting the 
message inherent in the very word Islam. I say 
this because I feel deeply hurt over what is now 
going on in the name of the Muslim League. 
I should be failing in my duty, if I did not 
warn the Muslims of India against the untruth 
that is being propagated amongst them. This warn- 
ing is a duty because I have faithfully served 
them in their hour of need and because Hindu- 
Muslim unity has been and is my life’s mission. 

Sevagram, 1-4-40 

Harijan Work in Indore 

Shrimati Rameshwari Nehru who was invited 
to preside at the recent celebration of “Harijan 
Day” in Indore, sends a note about Harijan 
work there. A summary is given below. 

Harijan Day is celebrated on March 1st every 
year since the Maharaja Sahib’s granting of civic 
tights and allowing entrance to State temples to 
Harijans. This year the occasion was marked by 
the laying of the foundation stone of a sweepers’ 
colony for which Rs. 60000/- have been given by 
the Maharaja Sahib from his privy purse. During 
the course of a few months houses for 80 families 
will be completed and it is hoped that this dona- 
tion will be repeated until the housing problem of 
sweepers of Indore City has been completely 
solved. A humble beginning in the form of a 
thrift and credit society and an Industrial Home 
were inaugurated and a detailed programme of 
work for this year drawn up. This includes the 
•starting of a students’ hostel. The programme 
was well received by the authorities of the 
•State who were approached for financial help. 
The President of the Harijan Sevak Sangh, 
Indore, has moved a resolution in the Munici- 
pal Committee, which it is hoped will soon be 
adopted, to raise the pay of sweepers and make 
their service permanent with the usual 
maternity benefits, leave rules, provident fund 
etc. Social service in the form of removal of 
illiteracy ... 3500 Harijans were made literate ... 
teaching lessons of thrift, clean living, avoidance 
of debt, temperance etc, was carried on through- 
out last year with the help of several young 
caste Hindu men and women who received 
certificates for their work on March 1st. A few 
sweeper women joined the evening worship in 
the Gopal Mandir in company with Caste 
Hindus. The joy on their faces was good to behold. 

It is to be hoped that the progress made will 
be steadily maintained. 

Sevagram, 31-3-40 A. K. 


( By K* G. Mashruivala ) 

Is it possible to produce all the cloth we 
need by hand-spinning and hand- weaving ? What 
will it cost to the purchaser? With the held 
of colleagues I am trying to answer these ques- 
tions. In doing so, in order to be on the safest side, 
I have taken the most conservative calculations. 

For this reason I have taken the total popu- 
lation of India to be 40 crores, and the average 
annual need of cloth to be 18 square yards per 
head. This works out at 720 crore yards per 
year, or less than 2 crore yards per day. This 
must then be the average daily production of 
cloth for India’s total need. 

It is also assumed that 80 per cent o£ the 
total population (or 32 crores) is rural and 
agricultural. Generally 40 per cent of the total 
population is estimated to be fit for labour. In 
India the estimate is perhaps more conservative 
than necessary. For, in villages, men begin to 
work for bread at a very early age and conti- 
nue to do so almost till the end. Spinning and 
some of its incidental operations safely allow 
children and old men to be made use of. Still, 
on account of the extremely ill-nourished condi- 
tion of the villagers, their productive eflSciency 
is much below normal, and so I have accepted 
the estimate of 40 per cent. This gives us about 
12J- crores as the labouring population. 

In the production of khadi, the proportion of 
spinners to other craftsmen (such as carders, 
weavers, dyers, etc. ) varies according to the 
methods and implements of production employed. 
Shri Vinoba has been carrying on experiments 
in this line. For conservative calculation I have 
taken his figures. According to him, among 100 
full-time khadi producers, there should be 55 
spinners and 45 other craftsmen (ginners, cleaners, 
carders, weavers, etc.), and they would produce 
44 square yards of cloth per day. According to 
the prevailing methods about 75 full-time spin- 
ners would provide work to 25 weavers and 
other craftsmen, and would produce about 60 
yards of cloth per day of between 12 to 16 
counts. ( A full-time spinner is estimated to 
produce yarn equal to 4/5 of a sq. yd. ) 

Therefore, according to Shri Vinoba, for pio- 
ducing 2 crore square yards per day, we require 
2-5 crore full-time spinners and about 2 crores 
of other textile craftsmen, or 4-5 crore full-time 
khadi producers in all. In a populption of 12| 
crores of rural workers, this figure, by itself, is 
sufficient to dispel any doubt about India’s 
capacity to produce her own cloth. According 
to the other calculation, this figure would be 
much smaller. 

At present there are very few spinners and 
other craftsmen working full time, i. c. eight 
hours a day. Much of the khadi is produced 
either during leisure hours all the year round or 
during periods of unemployment. Some quantity 
is also produced for home consumption, and 
it is desirable that this habit should, for 



[ April 6, 1940 

the progress of khadi, be encouraged as much 
as possible. It will, therefore, be safe to assume 
that on an average in all processes up to spin- 
ning, workers put in on an average only 3 hours’ 
work per day. On the simplest good village 
charkha this amount of labour should enable a 
spinner to produce on an average from to 
hanks per day ( hank=840 yds. ). This works out 
at 3 spinners per day for each square yard of 
khadi. Therefore, to produce 2 crore yards per 
day, we should need 6 crore spinners working 
for 3 hours per day. Thus the whole khadi 
production would engage 6 crores of part-time 
workers and a crore of other full-time craftsmen, 
or 7 crores in all. 

There is no doubt that 7 crores of people 
are available in India for this work, without 
detriment to agriculture and to other occupa- 
tions and industries. Not only so, but it leaves 
a good margin for the expansion of this industry^ 
if more production were needed. For then it 
could be made more remunerative than at 
present, and improvements in implements, con- 
sistent with rural conditions, could also be 
introduced with greater confidence. 

This brings us to the question of cost. Let 
it be remembered that in the economics of khadi, 
the question of cost affects by way of actual 
out-of-pocket charges only those who cannot or 
will not card and spin for themselves and their 
dependants. On a very liberal calculation these 
cannot be more than 6 crores in India. 

They will have to purchase their khadi, and 
a majority of them would be consuming more 
cloth than the average of 18 yards per head. 
A good part of it will also be of counts finer 
than the average 12 to 14 counts assumed for 
the rest of the country. It will not be wrong 
to estimate their demand at 30 yards per head. 
This means that it will be necessary to produce 
180 crore yards of khadi for sale. This comes 
to half a crore of yards per day, or 25 per cent 
of the total cloth needed. As for the rest of 
the people, they will have to do some labour 
( at the most an hour per day ) without feeling 
any actual saving in out-of-pocket charges. 

The present A. L S. A, rate of spinning 
works out to about f anna per hank, and yields 
to a full-time spinner the wage of to 3 as. 
per day with the present implements and rough 
methods of work. To reach the standard mini- 
mum living wage of eight annas per day, the 
wage must be steadily raised up to 2 as, per 
hank, along with training and the supply of 
improved implements. The present average kbadi 
costs at pre-war rates nearly 21 times more 
than the mill cloth. Khadi of superior count 
cost not less than 3 times, ( Since the war 
the mill cloth has become more costly and 
so the proportion is less than before, ) If 
the wage is increased, it would be costlier 
still, though on account of improvements, not 
in proportion to the increment. If we leave 
aside the A. I, S. A. rate and for the time being 

content ourselves with giving such wage as 
prevails in each season in each locality, the rate 
would work out to at least half an anna per 
hank. Even assuming that there is no change 
in the cost of other factors of khadi production 
and in the currency economy of the country, 
this rate would make khadi only twice as costly 
as mill cloth. Having regard to the fact that 
the production of the cloth through charkha and. 
hand-looms ensures better distribution of wealth 
and consequently retention of wealth in the 
villages and also reduces unemployment, it 
must improve the purchasing power of the 
people to a considerable extent. This means 
that those who have to clothe themselves by 
purchasing ready-made khadi will also, in return, 
be in a better position to manufacture articles 
needed by the khadi producer. Costlier khadi 
will not, therefore, be to the disadvantage of the 
middle class purchaser. On the contrary a graduat- 
ed increase in the spinning wage as contem- 
plated by the A. I. S. A. would be, in the long 
run, still more advantageous from the national 
point of view. Instead of investing huge sums of 
money in dead engines, a moderate investment 
in millions of living human engines rotting for 
want of employment in villages, will be cheaper 
and economical in terms of national accounting. 
And then the improvement in the methods and 
implements of producing khadi without giving 
up its rural character will also be a great factor 
in the reduction of cost. Every day new experi- 
ments arc being made in these directions, and 
there are great hopes of steady progress. 

The rise in the price of cotton on account of 
war brings to light another difference between 
khadi and mill cloth. In the production of 
khadi, more is spent on labour than on the raw 
material. Consequently a rise in the price of the 
raw material (without any change in the wages) 
does not appreciably affect the price of khadi. 
This is not so in mill cloth, which rises and falls 
in price almost in the same proportion as raw 
cotton. Of course there is also one more way to 
reduce the price of khadi without reducing the 
wage. That is through * a voluntary tax in 
labour’ as suggested in the article so entitled in 
Harijan of 20th January last. 

The conclusion is that quantitatively it is quite 
practicable to produce all the cloth we require, 
without running the mills, that the problem of 
high price will affect not more than 25% of the 
population, that it is possible to mitigate that 
factor in various ways partially if not fully; and 
for the rest, the costliness will be more an 
advantage than otherwise, and this, again, in the 
long run and in an indirect manner be advan- 
tageous even to the purchaser. It is also in the 
interest of those interested in large scale industri- 
alisation and mechanisaton to leave this industry 
of the masses safe for them. It is likely that the 
nation will be able to move with greater con- 
fidence and less disturbances in some of the 
other spheres of industrialisation. 

APEIL 6, 1940] HARIJAN 79 


The khadi lovers of Wardha district have] been 
holding an annual conference in the different 
villages in the taluka for the last six years 
under the inspiration and guidance of Shri 
'Vinoba. The object of the conference is to 
propagate khadi. It has been named Khadi Yatra 
or pilgrimage. People generally come to the con- 
ference trudging long distances on foot and live 
there for two days the life of the village folk 
in every respect. It is organised by the Gram 
Seva Mandal, whose workers are scattered over 
these villages, engaged in various constructive 
activities. People from different villages invite 
the khadi yatra to their village, and give every 
possible help in a most willing and enthusiastic 
manner. This year Shri gRadhakrishna Bajaj, 
Secretary Gram Seva Mandal, came to Gandhi ji 
with the suggestion thac the yatra might be 
held in Sevagram, Gandhiji had no objection to 
it, provided the villagers of Segaon — 'now called 
Sevagram — wanted it. They did, and the yatra 
was held on 30th and 31st March in open fields 
of the village. 

On the morning of the first day, the yatris took 
out a prabhat pheri; on the second day, they 
took part in village cleaning. Two hours in the 
afternoon were devoted to community spinning. 
Gandhiji addressed them after the evening prayers 
on the 30th night. About 1,500 people had 
gathered from the surrounding villages and the 
Wardha town for the occasion. The audience 
sat in darkness but for an electric bulb fitted 
to the loud speaker battery. His speech was 
preceded by the usual evening prayer of the 
Ashram, The prayer includes a recitation of 
the eleven vows. Taking his cue from it, 
Gandhiji said: 

“ Just now you recited the eleven vows as 
part of your prayers. It is our formula for 
gaining internal and external emancipation. 
Working within its orbit success may appear 
at times difficult, but there need be no despair, 
if we have faith. The greater the difficulties, 
the greater should be our faith. Even so, faith 
is needed for the prosecution of the khadi 

“ Although the people of Sevagram gave an 
invitation and I agreed to the holding of the 
yatra here, that does not mean that I consider 
this place to be fit for the holding of such yatra. 
My test would require a high percentage of 
adoption of khadi. As ic is, perhaps, not more 
than 20 per cent of the Sevagram folk wear 
khadi. Those that do, have not adopted it 
fully and with an understanding of all its 
implications. The adoption of khadi with all its 
implications means revolution in one’s life. It 
means purity in its wide sense and a readiness 
to lay down one’s life for the sake of the 
country’s freedom. Do the people of Sevagram 
come up to that test ? I am afraid not. I 
confess the failure is partly mine. I have not 

put forth sufficient effort to give them the 
needed education. I would like you to hold the 
next yatra in a place which comes at least 
within a measurable distance of the ideal that 
I have laid down. 

“At Malikanda we reduced the size and scope 
of the Gandhi Seva Sangh and turned it into an 
institute for carrying out experimental research 
into the principles for which the Sangh stands, 
as for instance, truth, ahimsa, khadi, and their 
interrelationship. I have said that there is a vital 
connection between khadi and ahimsa. But I 
have not fully proved it. My reason follows 
my heart. Without the latter it would go 
astray. Faith is the function of the heart. It 
must be enforced by reason. The two are not 
antagonistic as some think. The more intense 
one’s faith is* the more it whets one’s reason. 
And so, although my faith in khadi is daily 
growing, I have not put my reason in cold 
storage. I listen carefully to all adverse criticism 
with an open and receptive mind, extract from it 
what is worth extracting and reject the chaff, I am 
always ready to correct my mistakes. A full 
and candid admission of one’s mistake should 
make one proof against its repetition. A full 
realization of one’s mistake is also the highest 
form of expiation. I would like all co-workers 
to test with their reason all I say. When 
faith becomes blind it dies. It is a drawback 
in khadi work that many workers do not 
apply their reason to their work. We must 
find out why the progress in khadi is slow. 
It may be that we have erred in detail, wc 
may find that we have hereafter to place more 
emphasis on self-spinning than on production 
for sale. At one time I myself had suggested 
the ideal of immediate introduction of a standard 
wage of eight annas a day for the spinners. 
But under the advice of experienced khadi 
workers, we satisfied ourselves with three annas 
standard wage for the time being, keeping the 
higher figure before us as our goal. Even this 
rise is phenomenal. Shall wc be able to sustain 
this wage? 

“Take now the political aspect. I have said 
that we can get Swaraj through khadi. If you 
have real faith in it, you will not rest till you 
have proved it to the whole world by your 
reason. The link between khadi economics, poli- 
tics and sociology cannot depend on unreasoned 
faith. The wheel is the one thing that can 
become universal and replace the use of arms. 
If the millions co-operate in plying the charkha 
for the sake of their economic liberation, the 
mere- fact will give them an invicible power 
to achieve political independence. You must have 
noticed how insistent I have become about 
the fulfilment of the khadi ptogramme as a 
condition precedent to the launching of civil 
disobedience. If our preparation is complete, the 
struggle may be rendered unnecessary. And if 
it does become necessary, it will be invincible 
and of a short duration. But if only a few 

[ APRIL 6, 1940 

3k ) 


i&ke to the chaskha, it becomes necessary 
for them to sacrifice their all in order to 
quicken the conscience of their compatriots 
and the English rulers. The efficacy of their 
sacrifice will depend upon the degree of their 
purity and innocence. Mere wearing of khadi 
without knowing its implications cannot help. For, 
when it becomes the vogue even evil-doers will 
wear it. Khadi like God’s sunshine and air is for 
all alike, but all do not thereby become eligible 
for satyagraha. Khadi, purity, and readiness to 
3 acrifice oneself ate the three essentia! conditions 
for a satyagrahi. The charfcha is the external 
symbol. Without it your sacrifice will not be non- 
violent. I have no cut and dry plan of fight 
before me. I only know that I must be ready 
for it unless I am a hypocrite or a fool. 

“ Lastly, since the yatra has taken place here, 
I suggest that you draw up a programme for 
making the whole of the village of Sevagram 
khadi-clad within a year. The experiment will 
exercise your faith and your reason and may 
give you the key for making khadi universal.” 

Questions amd Answers 

The khadi yatra was over at 5 p. m. on 31st 
March, but as Gandhiji had agreed to answer 
questions, if there were any, after the evening 
prayer, many people stayed on for the night. Here 
arc some of the questions with Gandhiji’s answers. 

Q, Has takli been introduced into the basic 
education scheme with the economic, i. e. self- 
support, or the educative end in view, 

A. Anything introduced in basic education 
can only have one end in view, i. e. the edu- 
cative. The object of basic education is the 
physical, intellectual and moral development of 
the children through the medium of a 
craft. But I hold that any scheme which is 
sound from the educative point of view and is 
efficiently managed, is bound to be sound eco- 
nomically, For instance, we can teach our 
children to make clay toys that arc to be 
destroyed afterwards. That too will develop 
their intellect. But it will neglect a very 

important moral principle, viz. that human 
labour and material should never be used in a 
wasteful or unproductive way. The emphasis 
laid on the principle of spending every minute 
of one’s life usefully is the best education for 
citizenship and incidentally makes basic educa- 
tion self-sufficient. 

Q. How can khadi and spinning lead to Swaraj ? 

A. If millions co-operate, it cannot but generate 
tremendous strength which can be put to any 
use one likes. The chaxkha provides the best 
medium for such co-operation. It provides digni- 
fied employment and food and clothing for 
Daiidranarayan. This cannot but produce magg 
consciousness and non-violent strength for gain- 
ing Swaraj. 

Q. Must one who takes to khadi tak? to 
spinning as well? 

A. From the economic point of view it is 
enough to take to khadi. But if khadi is ic 
be our weapon for winning Swaraj, spinning is 
of equal necessity. Khadi gives us economic 

self-sufficiency, whereas spinning links us with 
the lowest paid labour. In militarised countries 
everyone gives a certain time for military pur- 
poses. Ours being a non-violent basis, everyone 
should do sacrificial spinning for a minimum 
period from year to year. Maulana Mohamed 

Ali used to call the takli and the yarn oui 

arms and ammunition for winning Svraraj. The 
analogy is telling. j.s it too much for us to 
give half an hour or one hour pec day cc 

spinning as a measure of voluntary conscription? 
I remember, at the beginning of the last w-ar 
when I was in England I was given pyjama 
suits to stitch for the soldiers. Many others 
from the most aristocratic families including 
some venerable old ladies and gentlemen wore 
doing such work. We all finished our quota o£ 
work as we were required to. No one considered 
it beneath bis or her dignity to do so. Towards 
the end of the war far more work was given 
by the whole nation. Yet no one complained. 
I warn you that, although today I am askiag 
you only to give half an hour or one hour per 
day to spinning, I may have to be more 
exacting as the situation develops. 

Q. Should civil resister prisoners offer satya- 
graha in order to get the permission to 
khadi and spin regularly in jail? 

A. A satyagrahi willingly submits to all j;ul 
discipline. He never wishes to cmkirrass the 
authorities. To insist on being alli'wcu to spin 
in jail when you do not do so with religious 
regularity outside, would he a species of vio- 
lence. I would not recommend that course to 
anybody although I can conceive of exceptional 
cases. — Appa Patwardhan for instance — ■ who 
might go to the extreme length in order to 
secure that permission. We have not bemived 
as ideal prisoners in the past. There has beer 
violence and untruth in our actions. I do not 
want that to be repeated. We may plead with 
the jail authorities, I would be faced with a 
dilemma if I were not allowed these facilities. 
What I have said of spinning applies equally to 

Sevagram, 2-4-40 





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VoL. Vlli, No. 9 ] POONA — SATURDAY, APRIL 13, 1940 [ 1 ANNA 6 PIES 



When I saw C. F. A. — that is how many of 
his friends referred to him, some called him 
Charlie, and I latterly had come to address him 
as Borodada, none of us who were nearest to 
him ever referred to him as Dcenabandhu, 
which name, however appropriate, never seemed 
to stick to him — a few weeks ago at Calcutta 
recovering from his first operation, I had a fear 
that, though he had been restored to us, he was 
not likely to be with us for long. And yet his 
loss creates such a terrible void that it seems 
impossible to reconcile oneself quite to the inevi- 
table. A friend who writes to me a letter of 
sympathy, knowing what the loss means to me, 
says I must be feeling as though I had lost 
my dear father. Quite true. But though I am 

young enough to have been his son, and he 

had a venerable beard, it was quite impossible to 

regard him as a father. In fact it was impossible 
to look up to him as an elder or anything else. 
For he was friend to all — the oldest and the 
youngest, the richest and the poorest, the 

highest and the humblest. When he sat down 
with my boy to read Kuhla Khan and mingled 
his mirth with his own, when he sat down 
with [Gandhiji to discuss Dominion Status or 
Independence, or with Dr. John Mott to discuss 
Gandhiji’s attitude to Christianity, there was in 
him the same childlike innocence and simple 
regard for truth. I remember vividly the early 
morning when twentytwo years ago I was 
introduced to him by Gandhiji. From that 
moment his overflowing affection and friendli- 
ness made it impossible to look up to him. 

* * • * 

When thirtysix years ago he decided to come 
to India, there were friends who remonstrated 
with him. He had won a triple First and was 
a Cambridge Don. If he stayed at home, he 
might one day be venerated as the seniormost 
Professor of History in Cambridge, or if he 
entered politics he might one day be Prime 
Minister. He would not be moved from his 
resolve, “India calls” were the two words he 
uttered with such deep conviction that it silenced 
all remonstrance. When two or three years ago 
friends found that he was feeling the effects of 
a none too robust health and approaching age, 
they asked him to settle down in a quiet spot 
in England and give more fruits of his pellucid 
pen to the world, he said ‘no’, he could not 

think of settling an? else but India. When 

the surgeon who performed the two operations 
on him suggested that he should go to England 
or Europe and have the second operation there, 
he resolutely said ‘no’. He knew that Shri 
Ghanshyamdas Birla, who bore all the expenses 
of his prolonged illness, would gladly bear those 
of an air-flight and operation at ‘home’. But 
how could he leave his real home? “Whatever 
happens to me,” he said, “must happen here.” 
I do not know an Englishman who loved India 
more, and who has served India better. That was 
not because of an emotional impulse — there 
were perennial wells of emotion in him, but 
nobody made the choice of his vocation out of 
emotion — but because he knew India, went on 
with the years knowing her and loving her more 
and more, he knew the wrong that his country- 
men had done to India, consciously or un- 
consciously, and he had resolved to atone for it. 
He was a tapasvi in the true sense of the term. 

St * * 

It was a triple atonement. The first was by 
a conscious endeavour every day of his life to 
wipe out the reproach of ‘ superiority ’ attach- 
ing to Englishmen. The second was by .slaving 
for India — the flood-stricken and the famine- 
stricken and the earthquake-stricken at home, and 
the oppressed Indian in South Africa and Kenya, 
in Fiji and New Zealand, in Trinidad and 
Tanganyika. The third was by opening the eyes 
of his Missionary brethren to the rich spiritual 
heritage of India, which they had ignored, mis- 
understood and even misrepresented, and by 
showing them the true way of Christ, I do not 
know that he made any Christian convert, but 
I know that he had won the hearts of millions, 
and hundreds are shedding silent tears over the 
loss of their guide, philosopher, and friend. 

* * ♦ 

And he had the richest equipment for the 
sacred mission of atonement he had undertaken. 
He had ahimsa in a larger measure than most 
people I have known. He had woven into his 
life the principal attribute of the Bhakta of the 
Gita — who paineth none, and who is pained 
by none. The very mention of the Beatitudes 
made him beam with serene joy, giving one the 
impression that the joy was the reflection of 
the inner light that comes from an observance 
of them. I have not yet come across a better 
exemplar of the Biblical proverb — a soft answer 
turneth away wrath. All this gave him the 



[ April 13, 1940 

Strength to bear the Cross that everyone must 
bear who is on the strait and razor-edged 
path of tapasya- 

JS: * * 

And don’t I know the terrible weight of that 
Cross ? The proud regarded him as an outcaste, 
the wise laughed behind his back saying he was 
a simpleton full of sob-stuff. But his humility 
and single-minded devotion to the cause would 
never dismay him. He bore all insults, humilia- 
tions, snubs, sarcasms with a smile. If Dr. 
Grenfell of Labrador set a supreme example of 
physical endurance that all servants of humanity 
have to possess, C. F. A. set a supreme example 
of mental endurance. 

* ♦ * 

But he was not a man easily to take a denial. 
No task was too mean or humble for him. He 
would run errands, take a note to the Viceroy, 
or to an irate oflScial who was in no mood to 
yield. But on most occasions he succeeded in 
appealing to the human side of people and 
worked wonders. In South Africa he worried 
General Smuts time and again. When the Final 
Agreement was about to be signed came a wire 
to Gandhiji saying Kasturba was seriously ill. 
But Gandhiji refused to go until the Agree- 
ment was signed by General Smuts. Charlie 
ran to Smuts who was deeply touched, signed 
the Agreement, and released both to go to 
Durban, At the time of the last Yeravda fast 
of August 1933, he worried Sir Reginald Max- 
well at all hours of the day and night until 
the final release of Gandhiji. In 1932 during 
the Premier’s Award Fast, he was now with 
Lord Halifax, then with Sir Samuel Hoarc, then 
with Mr. MacDonald, and saw that there was 
not a moment’s delay in announcing the decision. 
On countless other occasions he took upon him- 
self the mission of peace and worked at it 
without regard for the result. And I have seen 
him not only running errands, but ready to do 
the most tiresome clerical jobs like copying, 
revising typescript, etc. ‘ His soul was like a 
star, and on himself the lowliest tasks did lay.’ 


Not that he did not err. He was very human 
indeed and made plenty of mistakes, but no 
one knew how to make better amends. He had 
a kind of ‘will to believe’ which often landed 
him in scrapes out of which he found it difl5cult 
to extricate himself. He came across black- 
mailers who sometimes found him an easy victim, 
but he had the joy of Hugo’s Bishop who was 
happy to have lost his candlesticks. ‘Better to 
be deceived than to deceive,’ sings Kabir; ‘to be 
deceived yields joy, to deceive is a sure source 
of misery,’ 


On three or four occasions I saw him during 
the convalescence before the fatal second opera- 
tion. and every day, after the second operation, 
for a few minutes every morning and evening. 
On the first occasion when I met him after he 

had emerged from the first operation, he said : 

“Last night was a night of peace and bliss. Some- 
how the Beatitudes which I like most did not 
haunt me. What came upon my mind again and 
again as a nevcr-to-be-effaccd memory were some 
parts of the Gospel of St. John and the last 
nineteen verses of the second Discourse of the 
Bhagawadgita. They arc still there with me. 
And oh, it was bliss to have Bapu here 


* :i; * 

On the second occasion he said: “This has 
been a miracle, this recovery. And yet how 
we fret unnecessarily !” With the faith of one 
who believed with the Apostle that ‘ the very 

hairs of our head are all numbered ’, he said : 

“Not one day more or one day less than He 
feels it right that I should live. To know 
this is a benediction.” And with this he 
hugged me in a close embrace, muttered some 
words I could not hear, and then said : “ Let us 
today have the great Upanishad prayer; From 
the unreal, lead me to the Real; from darkness, 
lead me to Light; from death, lead me to 

* ♦ ♦ 

On the third occasion he said : “ Let me un- 
burden myself of one or two things that have 
been pressing on my mind. You know the little 
doctor who has been so good to me. He wants 
an autographed photograph of Bapu, and I have 
promised it to him. You must remember to get 
him that.” I asked for his name, but he did not 
know. He asked me to call the nurse. She was 
not quite sure, but she promised she would 
find out. When she gave me the name, I had 
to leave Calcutta, But I said: “ I shall see that 
he gets it.” Then he said : “ And now there is 
another thing. You know our friend gave me 
Rs. — for Palestine work. I was to have gone 
there. Twice I had very nearly gone, but could 
not actually go, though I have been doing work 
for the Jews off and on. Anyway the money 
was unused, when as you know — approached 
me with her troubles, and I gave her half 
of it. Now there is a little money that I have 
in the bank which can go to make good this 
loss. Please explain this to our good friend and 
tell him I can return the whole amount if he 
so wishes, otherwise if he permits I can give 
that small amount to my sisters. But ask Bapu 
what he thinks. In any case do write to the 
friend. I had no right to use his money as I 
did, and it worries me.” 

* * * 

On the last occasion he was full of the 
Ramgarh resolution, he said he knew that victory 
was sure to come, and he began immediately 
to discuss the European situation, but I stopped 
him from exerting himself. Then he said: “I 
have been thinking more and more of the Gita. 
W^hat a capital idea it is — the one of man’s 
eternal war with evil. There are wars on the 
physical plane and we know them. But there 

APRIL 13, 1940] HARIJAN 8^ 

are mightier wars on the spiritual plane which 
we have to be unceasingly fighting.” 

* * 

One can thus see the atmosphere that he had 
created around himself and the thoughts and 
prayers that occupied his mind< On the day of 
the second operation an hour before the ordeal 
I saw him. I gave him Bapu’s and Rajkumari’s 
messages and the prayers of us all. He beamed. 
Then he smiled and said : “ They have shaven 
off my beard and moustache. All clean gone!” 
I said : ” You will remember that Gurudev also 
had to lose his and was none the worse for it.” 
Then he said : “Whatever happens to me, 
Mahadev, don’t forget that little doctor. Bapu’s 
autographed photograph for him !” If Socrates 
would forget the cock he owed, then would 
C. F. A. forget his debt to the doctor. I am 
ashamed to say that I had not carried the 
photograph with me, but now his debt shall be 
paid. But he was already feeling the effect of 
the medicine he had been given, and so he said : 
“Now I go to sleep with my God.” 

* ♦ 

Then every day I saw him with the Bishop 
of Calcutta, but we rarely engaged him in a talk. 
“It is a blessing to have you here,” he would say, 
and just close his eyes, or sometimes he would ask 
the Bishop to pray. He knew that a dear friend 
Dr. Paton had, like me, gone from farther South 
to be with him during the ordeal. He used to 
see him with the Bishop and me, but had not 
the strength to talk with him. So on the even- 
ing before the last he called me and said: “I 
hope to be better tomorrow and to be able to 
talk to Paton. Tell him.” But it was not to be. 
Those indeed were the last words I heard from 
his lips, for on the last day he was in a semi- 
conscious condition. But there were no groans 
or signs of pain on his serene face which when 
he slipped into the Eternal showed the stamp 
of the ‘Peace that passeth all understanding’. 


Though he tramped about like a wandering 
Jew and was here, there and everywhere, he 
found time for writing numerous books. As 
early as 1908 he declared that “ few things have 
pained me more than the false and one-sided 
picture given of the Hindu religiom” by some 
of the Missionaries, and accuses the Church in 
India of “ an unChristian lack of sympathy 
with what was good and noble.” ( North India — 
Handbooks of English Church Expansion ) He 
implores the Missionary to shed his ‘superiority’ 
and his ‘ Sahibhood ’, and tells them : As those 
who desire to be one in heart and soul with 
the people of the land, we must not expect or 
even wish them to approximate to our standard 
of living, but must continually expect and wish 
ourselves to approximate to theirs.” “There is,” 
he adds, “ a vernacular of thought and habit 
and temper to be learnt as well as a vernacular 
language.” But he still talks in this book of 
“ rich additions to the Faith”. That phase did 

not last long. Came the years of fruitful com- 
panionship with the late Shri S. K. Rudra and 
the Poet and Munshi Zakaullah. He studied 
the Upanishads, left the Cambridge Mission, 
and associated himself closely with the Poet’s 
work. In a beautiful monograph on Munshi 
Zakaullah he describes how he, a devout follower 
of Christ, and the Munshi, a devout follower of 
Muhammad, sat together from day to day adding 
to each other’s spiritual treasure, but without 
thought of either converting the other to his 

In his What I Owe to ChrisU which may be 
called his spiritual testament and which was 
the ripe fruit of years of experience, he declares 
his final faith : 

** Such an intimate and devoted companionship 
between a Christian Missionary and a Mussalman^ 
without the least thought of conversion, was by no 
means common at that time. There might have 
been some danger of misunderstanding on the part 
of other Mussalmans. But Susil’s ( Rudra’s ) friend- 
ship at this point stood me in good stead, for he 
was well known all over Delhi as having no 
sympathy with proselytising methods, and I too soon 
came to share with him that character. Susil Rudra 
and the leading Indian Christians in Delhi expressed 
the strong opinion that silent influence carrying with 
it the fragrance of a true Christian life .was worth 

all the propagandist teaching in the world 

* Charlie, * Susil would say to me, ‘ I find it difficult 
sometimes to read St. Paul’s Epistles. He is like 
you Englishmen — always trying to force someone to- 
his own point of view and ‘compassing sea and land 
to make one proselyte *. Christ Himself is free 
from such forceful methods to obtain success. ” 

The son of a Fundamentalist father, he had 
started life by declaring that he could not 
possibly believe in eternal punishment, and that 
it was no longer possible for him to receive 
the Holy Communion side by side with the 
parents, and he ended up with the faith quoted 
above, declared a few years ago. 

* * * 

In politics, too, he had had a dijEcult in- 
heritance. His father held firmly to the view 
of India as “a British possession” whose destiny 
had been entrusted by Providence to the British.. 
“At times,” he confesses, “it became painfully 
evident bow deep the fibres ( of this inherit- 
ance) had gone, and how hard it was to eradi- 
cate them completely.” But a few years in 
India were enough to make him stand out for 
full freedom from the foreign yoke. In his 
book on Munshi Zakaullah, he summarises some 
of the discussions he used to have with 
the Munshiji. “Don’t you see,” he would say 
to him, “ we have no intervening power in our 
own country ? Does not the presence of an 
intervening power in India only stir up greater 
strife? Have not the two communities got ta 
settle their own differences without the inter- 
ference of an outside party ? ” Then he says ; 
“I had very often spoken to him of the evils 


[_ x<l», iSW 

I saw to be inherent in foreign rule; and 1 had 
put forward very strongly the idea that India 
should govern herself independently, and not to 
be tied any longer by the strings of a Govern- 
ment many thousands of miles away. This 
anomaly of the foreign and distant administra- 
tion had always seemed to me preposterous.” 

But his outstanding contribution was an essay 
on Independence wherein he made out a strong 
plea for a declaration of Indian Independence. 
He exclaims that it can brook not a moment’s 
delay, and bases his thesis on two fundamental 
maxims of Seeley in his Expansion of England. 
“ Subjection for a long time to a foreign yoke 
is one of the most potent causes of national 
deterioration,” said Seeley. ” This is a terrible 
fact of history to be faced,” said C. F. A, “Any 
further remaining in a state of dependence within 
the British Empire would appear to mean an in- 
creasing measure of national deterioration. We 
must therefore awake and shake ourselves free.’’ 
Then there is the second maxim which drives 
us Indians on the horns of a dilemma : “ To 
withdraw the British Government from a country 
like India which is dependent on it, and which 
we have made incapable of depending on any- 
thing else, would be the most inexcusable of all 
conceivable crimes, and might possibly cause the 
most stupendous of all conceivable calamities.” 
This, he declares, is a vicious circle — perpetual 
dependence, perpetual subjection, perpetual depen- 
dence! India must shake herself free, Gandhiji 
had given the mantra, and complete non-co- 
operation with the foreign rule in a non-violent 
manner is the only remedy. “ The sentence about 
subjection,” said C. F. A., “ought to be written 
on the heart of every Indian with all the humi- 
liation it implies. Until the humiliation is more 
deeply felt, there is no hope” of the remedy 
being applied. 

It was the death of this unique friend of 
India that Hindus, Mussalmans, Christians — Indian 
and English — had assembled on the 5th of April 
to mourn at the St. Paul’s Cathedral in Calcutta. 
The servants and bearers and chauffeurs who 
inquired daily about his health knew that it was 
a friend of the poor who had passed away, and 
they too shared the grief of the rest. 

Sevagram, 8-4-40 M. D. 

The Home and Village Doctor 
By Satish Chandra Dasgupta 
1384 pages. 18 chapters. Copious Index of 32 
pages. 219 illustrations. Price Rs. 5 cloth-bound; 
Rs. 6 leather-bound. By V. P. P. Rs. 6 and Rs. 7 
respectively. Published by Khadi Pratisthan, 15 College 
Square, Calcutta. Available at (1) Harijan offic e — 
Poona 4; (2) Harijan office — 81 Queen’s Road, 
opp. Marine Lines Station, Bombay 2. “Every village 
worker knowing English will make it a point to 
possess a copy,” says Gandhiji. Several eminent 
doctors have spoken highly of the book. 

Educational Reconstruction 
Price Rs, 1-4-0, Postage 3 As. 

A True Friend oii the Poor 

In the death of C, F. Andrews not only 
England, not only India, but humanity has lost 
a true son and servant. And yet his death is 
a deliverance from pain and a fulfilment of his 
mission on this earth. He will live through 
those thousands who have enriched themselves by 
personal contact or contact with his writings. In my 
opipion Charlie Andrews was one of the great- 
est and best of Englishmen. And because he 
was a good son of England be became also a 
son of India. And he did it all for the sake 
of humanity and for his Lord and Master Jesus 
Christ. I have not known a better man or a 
better Christian than C. F. Andrews. India 
bestowed on him the title of Deenabandhu. He 
deserved it because he was a true friend of the 
poor and downtrodden in all climes. 

Sevagram, 5-4r-40 ( Statement to the press ) 

Andrews’ Legacy 

Nobody probably knew Charlie Andrews as 
well as I did. Gurudev was gum — master — to 
him. When we met in South Africa, we simply 
met as brothers and remained as such to the 
end. There was no distance between us. It was 
not a friendship between an Englishman and an 
Indian. It was an unbreakable bond between two 
seekers and servants. But I am not giving my 
reminiscences of Andrews, sacred as they are. 
I want Englishmen and Indians, whilst the 
memory of the death of this servant of England 
and India is still fresh, to give a thought to the 
legacy he has left for us both. There is no 
doubt about his love for England being equal 
to that of the tallest of Englishmen, nor can 
there be any doubt of his love for India being 
equal to that of the tallest of Indians. He said 
on his bed from which he was never to rise, 
" Mohan, Swaraj is coming.” Both Englishmen 
and Indians can make it come, if they will. 
Andrews was no stranger to the present rulers 
and most Englishmen whose opinion carries 
weight. He was known to every politically- 
minded Indian. At the present moment I do 
not wish to think of English misdeeds. They 
will be forgotten, but not one of the heroic 
deeds of Andrews will be forgotten so long 
as England and India live. If we really love 
Andrews’ memory, we may not have hate in 
us for Englishmen, of whom Andrews was among 
the best and the noblest. It is possible, quite 
possible, for the best Englishmen and the best 
Indians to meet together and never to separate till 
they have evolved a formula acceptable to both 
The legacy left by Andrews is worth the effort.' 
That is the thought that rules me whilst I con- 
template the benign face of Andrews and what 
innumerable deeds of love he performed so that 
India may take her independent place among 
the nations of the earth. 

Sevagram, 9-4-40 

April 13, 1940 3 



How Not to Do It 

Prof. Ranga is a co-worker whom I have had 
the pleasure of knowing for a long time. He 
is brave and good-natured, but he has the 
knack of often saying things he ought not to 
and doing wrong things at the wrong time. 
He sent me a telegram when he had decided 
to break the order of internment served upon 
him. He knew that he was under discipline. 
If he had left me the time, I should have 
asked him to obey the order to confine him- 
self to his place, Nidubrole. By compliance he 
would have shown a fine spirit of discipline 
and today he would be doing constructive work 
in his place and earning the privilege of 
joining the civil disobedience brigade. As it is, 
in my opinion, he has harmed the cause and 
done no good to himself or anybody. He has 
harmed the cause by setting a bad example to 
those who look up to him for guidance. If 
1 could persuade him, I would certainly advise 
him to inform the authorities that he had 
committed a breach of internal discipline for 
which he was sorry and that, if he was 
discharged, he would gladly proceed to Nidubrole 
and remain there till the order of internment 
was withdrawn. I make bold to say that, if 
he followed my advice, he would help me 
and help the country’s cause. 

Sevagram, 9-4-40 M. K. G. 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

A correspondent says now that civil dis- 
obedience is in the air I must once more, even 
at the risk of repeating myself, summarise in a 
single article my argument showing that there 
is a vital connection between the charkha, 
Swaraj, and ahimsa. I gladly make the attempt. 

The spinning wheel represents to me the 
hope of the masses. The masses lost thdt 
freedom, such as it was. with the loss of the 
charkha. The charkha supplemented the agri- 
culture of the villagers and gave it dignity. It 
was the friend and solace of the widow. It 
kept the villagers from idleness. For the charkha 
included all the anterior and posterior industries 
— ginning, carding, warping, sizing, dyeing and 
weaving. These in their turn kept the village 
carpenter and the blacksmith busy. The charkha 
enabled the seven hundred thousand villages to 
become self-contained. With the exit of the 
charkha went the other village industries, such 
as the oil press. Nothing took the place of 
these industries. Therefore the villages were 
drained of their varied occupations and their 
creative talent and what little wealth these 
brought them. 

The analogy of the other countries in which 
too village handicrafts were destroyed will not 
serve tis because, whereas the villagers there 
had some compensating advantages. India’s 
villagers had practically none. The industrialised 
countries of the West were exploiting other 
nations. India is herself an exploited country. 

Hence, if the villagers are to come into their 
own, the most natural thing that suggests itself 
is the revival of the charkha and all it means. 

This revival cannot take place without an 
army of selfless Indians of intelligence and 
patriotism working with a single mind in the 
villages to spread the message of the charkha 
and bring a ray of hope and light into their 
lustreless eyes. This is a mighty effort at co- 
operation and adult education of the correct 
type. It brings about a silent and sure revolu- 
tion like the silent but sure and life-giving 
revolution of the charkha. 

Twenty years’ experience of charkha work has 
convinced me of the correctness of the argu- 
ment here advanced by me. The charkha has 
served the poor Muslims and Hindus in almost 
an equal measure. Nearly five crores of rupees 
have been put into the pockets of these lakhs 
of village artisans without fuss and tomtoming. 

Hence I say without hesitation that the 
charkha must lead us to Swaraj in terms of 
the masses belonging tou. all faiths. The charkha 
restores the villages to their rightful place and 
abolishes distinctions between high and low. 

But the charkha cannot bring Swaraj, in fact 
it will not move, unless the nation has faith 
in non-violence. It is not exciting enough. 

Patriots yearning for freedom are apt to look 

down upon the charkha. They will look in 

vain to find it in history books. Lovers of 

liberty are fired with the zeal to fight and 
banish the foregin ruler. They impute all the 
vices to him and see none in themselves. They 
cite instances of countries having gained their 
freedom through seas of blood. The charkha 
devoid of violence seems an utterly tame affair. 

In 1919 the lovers of the liberty of India 
were introduced to non-violence as the only 
and sure means to Swaraj and to the charkha 
as a symbol of non-violence. The charkha found 
its proud place on the national flag in 1921. 
But non-violence had not gone deep into the 
heart of India, and so the charkha never came 
into its own. It will never come into its 
own unless the vast body of Congressmen 
develop a living faith in non-violence. When 
they do so they will, without needing any argu- 
ment, discover for themselves that there is no 
other symbol of non-violence than the charkha. 
and that without its universalisation there will 
be no visible expression of non-violence. It is 
common ground that without non-violence there 
can be no non-violent disobedience. My argument 
may be false, my data may be faulty. But holding 
the views I do, let me proclaim that without 
fulfilment of the conditions prescribed by me 
I simply cannot declare civil disobedience. 

Sevagram, 9-4-40 

Mahatma Gandhi 

By S. Radhakrishnan. CNew Bdition) Rs. 5-10-0. 
Postage 7 As. Available at Harijan office-Poona 4 , 
and 67 & 81 Queen's Road, Bombay 2. 



[ April 13, 1940 


1 Apr. IS 



( By M, K. Gandhi ) 

** My immediate object in writing to you is to 
draw your attention to the activities of the Khaksars. 
What has taken place in Lahore is well known to 
you. The Khaksar movement has been declared to 
he an unlawful association. I enclose a synopsis of 
the writings and speeches of Alama Mashriqui. They 
must have been brought to your notice before. But 
I have marked the portions which show that it is 
a movement directly opposed to non-violence of 
which you are an apostle. It is feared that the 
ban may be removed. If that happens, we will 
attribute it to what appears to us to be an im- 
possible attitude adopted by the Congress — creating 
deadlock in seven provinces out of eleven. The 
British have no doubt from the very beginning adopted 
the policy of divide and rule, but the policy adopted 
by the Congress has contributed no less to the British 
relying solely on the support of the Muslims. The 
suppression of a violent movement like that of the 
Khaksars falls within the special responsibilities of 
the Governor under Section 52 ( 1 ) ( a ), but the 
Governor may refrain from adopting such a course 
for the simple reason that it may lead to liie 
resignation of the present ministry and the addition 
of an eighth province to the seven in wliich the 
constitution has already been suspended. If the ban 
is removed, Hindu and Sikh organisations will be 
formed on the same lines as chat of the Khaksars. 
The Akalis assembled at Attari the other day 
resolved to enlist a lakh of men to the ranks of 
their Dal If that plan materialises, there will be 
bloodshed in the land. Can you remain a quiet and 
inactive observer of the carnage which will be the 
necessary result of these movements? What do you 
propose to do to prevent such a catastrophe ? " 

This is an extract from a letter from a well- 
known Punjabi, He is right in surmising that 
I must have received Khaksar literature. I am 
not publishing what my correspondent has sent, 
I am studying the papers and hope to be able 
as soon as possible to give a resume of the 
literature in my possession. There is no doubt 
that it is a military and militant organisation. 
No Government can allow private military 
organisations to function without endangering 
public peace. I am quite sure that the Punjab 
Government will not permit the Khaksar orga- 
nisation to be revived in its original form. I 
quite agree with my correspondent that, if the 
Khaksars are permitted to function as before, 
the Sikhs and others will have to be treated 
likewise. This cannot but lead to a clash. 

My correspondent, however, suggests that, if 
the ban is removed, “we will attribute it to 
what appears to us to be an impossible attitude 

adopted by the Congress — creating a deadlock in 
seven provinces out of eleven.” I am unable to 
subscribe to the view. The Congress resignations 
had nothing to do with the communal tension. 
They were an honourable protest against the 
British Government making India a belligerent 
country over the responsible heads of the eleven 
provinces which were supposed to be auto- 
nomous and resorting to other arbitrary acts 
in connection with the war. The resignations 
were the least and the mildest step the 
Congress could have taken. But events have 
justified the step on other grounds too. Com- 
munal bitterness would have increased if the 
Congress ministries had continued. So long as 
the Congress retains its non-violent policy, it 
cannot administer the affairs of the country 
except with the willing consent of the vast 
majority of the people. Mere majority through 
the ballot box does not count. If [ have my 
way with the Congress, I would not allow it 
to hold power with the aid of the British 
bayonet. I did not hesitate to express my dis- 
sent publicly when the Congress ministers were 
obliged to make use of the police and even the 
military to suppress public violence. They were 
bound to use them if they were to remain in 
power. My point was that, having suppressed 
violence as they were bound to, the Congress 
might have made a public declaration that it 
had not attained non-violent control over the 
people and that therefore, consistently with its 
policy, it should abdicate. 

But I fear that in holding this view I am 
in a minority of one. My non-violence is not 
exhausted with the effort to displace the British 
Government. Such non-violence would be poor 
stuff, hardly deserving the name. Therefore, if 
I can help it, there will be no Congress minis- 
try without a substantial communal settlement. 
I am quite clear that real independence is 
impossible without a consistent non-violent 
technique. I am equally clear that there i s 
hope of India gaining real independence if the 
Congress will refuse to compromise on it and 
will adhere to the means and for so doing 
dare to wander in the wilderness. 

The Khaksar menace is no menace in itself. 
As a symptom of a deeper disease it is a 
portent. To bring into being rival organisations 
is a simple thing, but it is no remedy. It 
merely multiplies the evil. If I had my way, 
I would ask the people to meet the Khak- 
sar violence with non-violence. But from the 
papers and the correspondence before me, I 
observe that the people seek outside protection 
against the danger, real or imaginary. That 
means the consolidation of existing authority, 
supplemented perhaps by private defensive 
preparations. I am interested in neither. 

I have not discussed the terrible toll of 
deaths the Khaksars had to pay. My sympathies 
ate .wholly with the bereaved families. I say 
nothing about the shooting, A special tribunal 


-Apeil 13, 1940 ] HABIJAK 

is inquiring into the whole affair. If the tragedy 
leads to a searching of hearts, whatever the 
finding of the Committee, it will nit have been 
enacted in vain. 

Sevagram, 8-4-40 


Many tributes have been paid and will con- 
tinue to be paid to the personal *cy and work 
of Charlie Andrews. I had the privilege of 
knowing him from my early years. His kindly 
eyes and smile which were but an index of the 
loving heart that beat within his breast will 
always remain with those who came in contact 
with him. It is rarely that one can say about 
any person that he or she never spoke a harsh 
word to or of anyone. But it is true of Charlie. 

1 have seen him return from interviews with 
officials where harsh words had been said to 
him and about those whom he loved. But no 
anger ever entered his heart, and he knocked 
again and again at the doors of those who mis- 
understood him, his overflowing love for India, 
and the burning desire that his England should 
do justice by her. Many instances come to my 
mind of his kindness and generosity. Hundreds 
of young men owe their education to his help. 
On more than one occasion has he returned to 
our house bereft of his coat and drenched 
with rain because he felt that some poor hill- 
man carrying a heavy load on his back needed 
the garment more than he did. Money given 
to him for something he needed himself has 
often fulfilled another’s want. And always these 
unselfish acts were performed with the utmost 
joy. Tears would come to bis eyes when he 
heard of oppression or injustice anywhere, and 
his utter humility was one of his greatest 

With his unique career at Cambridge of which 
University he was a triple first and his facile 
pen, he was told by an eminent divine that he 
was throwing away a brilliant future in the 
Church of England by coming to India. “The 
highest office here can be yours with your rare 
gifts.” The simple answer given was “ India 
calls”. And India never ceased to call him. 
While he loved his own country with a rare 
devotion, I always felt he was happiest in 
Indian homes and how many that have loved 
to have him and minister to him will miss one 
who through all these years has been such a 
loyal friend. 

His death has left an aching void which it 
will not be possible to fill. Rarely are English- 
men able to identify themselves as he did with 
those whose interests seemingly or from the 
material point of view conflict with England’s. , 

Requiescat m pace> and may the fragrant 
memory of a dedicated life enable us to give 
ourselves in greater and greater measure for 
the service of suffering humanity. 

• Sevagram, 5-4-40 Amrit Kaur 


All foreigners of note that visit India are 
naturally drawn to Sevagram. Recently no one 
has done more than Pandit Jawaharial to raise 
the status of India in the eyes of the world. 
And with his burning interest in world affairs 
he never ceases to emphasise the necessity for 
us, however immersed we may be in our own 
struggle, to view the same in the light of a 
larger struggle for a new order. By his visit 
to China he has brought that land and its 
problems very near to us. Many Chinese friends 
have come and brought their message of good 
will. The other day a devoted admirer of the 
great Chinese leader Sun Yat Sen came to pay 
his homage to Gandhiji, armed with a number 
of pertinent questions. 

“ Do you believe that the British, knowing 
them as you do, will give you independence 
without a fight ?” he commenced. 

“ It all depends,” replied Gandhiji. “ I do not 
think they would want to have a fight if they 
were conscious of our strength. But today they 
do not feel our strength.” 

“ Have you any means other than civil dis- 
obedience to enforce your will?” 

“ Yes. If we had no internecine quarrels, 
the British Government would not be able to 
resist us. ” 

” You are aware that in China we have paid 
heavily for unity. V7e have had to suffer 25 
years of civil war. Might not India have to 
suffer the same horrors if the British withdrew?” 

“ It is impossible to say definitely what will 
happen. It is, how-ever, not necessary that there 
should be internal w'ar, I imagine conditions in 
China were different. The whole populace there 
was fired with the spirit of revolt. Here we 
in our seven hundred thousand villages do not 
fly at each other’s throats. There are no sharp 
divisions between us. But non-violence applied 
to large masses of mankind is a new experiment 
in the history of the world. I am buoyed up 

by my faith in its efficacy; the millions may 

not have caught that faith, and it may be that 
civil war will be the price we have to pay 
for our liberty. But if we win truly non- 
violcntly against the British, I am sure there 
will be no civil war.” 

“After 25 years of civil war in China we 
have now found one person to represent us in 
our Generalissimo. Is it not possible that the 
Indian people will need someone more martial 
than you with your spiritual leadership?” 

“ If there is civil war, it will have ' proved 

my. bankruptcy. A militarist will then be the 


“ In the event of Indian independence would 
India develop along republican lines? Is demo- 
cracy suited to the character of the Indian 
people ? ” 

“These are problematical questions and it is 
difficult to say definitely one way or the other. 
If we evolve non-violently, democracy will not 



only suit us but we shall represent the truest 
democracy in the world.” 

“If the British withdrew, could you protect 
yourselves ?” 

“ Yes, if both Hindus and Muslims evolve 
non-violently. ” 

“ Is it true to say that the majority of Indians 
of the upper class do lip loyalty only to nation- 
alism and in their heart of hearts want British 

“ I am of opinion that the vast majority does 
not want British rule. They want freedom from 
foreign domination,” 

“ If the British withdrew, would you keep 
any Englishmen here?” 

“ Yes, if they will transfer their allegiance to 
.us and if they will serve India with their great 
ability, their technical knowledge and powers of 
research. ” 

“ Would you receive the help of a third 
party to free you from your yoke ? 

“ Never. We have to find ourselves through 
our own inner strength, otherwise we must fall. 
Any structure built with outside help must of 
necessity be weak.” 

“ The British are a bargaining nation, are 
they not? Have you anything with which to 
bargain with them ? ” 

** Very little. And in any case I would not 
bargain for my liberty.” 

“Do you believe conscience can make a man 
good ? ” 

“ Yes, but it can make a coward of him too ! ” 

“Can religion make a man moral?” 

“ Yes, but it must be real religion, that which 
inspires one from within with a spirit of love 
and service.” 

“ In China we used to think that communism 
would never take any root, but it has now got 
a definite hold. Can the same be said of India?” 

“I may say that communists have not made 
much headway yet in India, and I somehow 
feel that the character of our people will not 
easily lend itself to communist methods.” 

“Is it true that an Indian is a Hindu or 
a Muslim first and an Indian afterwards?” 

“It is not true, generally speaking, though 
neither will sell his religion for his country.” 

“ Religion plays no part in our political life,” 
said the Chinese friend, “and this applies to 
Chinese Muslims too. Is India, likely to develop 
more as an Eastern nation, or will- the bond with 
the English be a difficult thing to get rid of ? 
It seems to me that English modes of life and 
thought have taken deep root here.” 

“ You are right where cities . are concern- 
ed. But you will find, if you were to go 
there, that the villages, which are the real 
India, are wholly untouched. All the same, 
English ways and customs, their methods of 
administration, language and thought have had a 
devastating effect on so-called educated India. 
And this cultural conquest may perhaps never 
be wholly got rid of. “ 

[ APRIL 13 , 1940 '' 

“ India is a nation of so many races. Do yons 
think that should prove to be an obstacle to 
unity ? ” 

“ None whatever. ” 

“It is strange how we and you have the 
same problems, social and otherwise. ” 

“ Yes, and that is why we are really so close 
to each other — friends in distress.” And here 
Gandhiji related, as he often loves to relate* 
incidents from his vast experiences, how well 
he knew the Chinese colony in South Africao 
how he was their lawyer, what close contact he 
had with them, how they became his comrades 
in the fight for vindication of the rights of 
Easterners there. He laughingly twitted the 
Chinese friend of the proverbial “inscrutability” 
of the Chinese as well as of the Japanese. 
He told him how Sevagram Ashram had the 
good fortune to have a Japanese monk 
at the moment — “ quiet, disciplined, kind, but 
with a characteristic reserve which does not 
enable any of us to know his real mind. It 
may be a good thing, it adds to his dignity* 
it certainly adds to his peace of mind, and he 
is untouched, unruffled, by domestic difficulties 
and quarrels. I felt the same with the Chinese 
friends in South Africa. I addressed them 
hundreds of times, I made no distinction betweem 
them and Indians, but I always felt that your 
people had built a wall round themselves. You 
are so highly cultured and perhaps, therefore, 
artificial. Take your art” — and Gandhiji pointed 
to a lovely picture of hand- woven silk, framed 
and hanging on the wall, which the Chinese 
mission of goodwill had given him recently — * 
“ it is a work of beauty and joy, but that art 
is inscrutable to me. But I do not mean this 
in a .bad sense. I have trusted my Chinese 
co-workers and they were loyal and I am much 
drawn to China and the Chinese.” 

“ May I ask one or two more important ques- 
tions before leaving ? ” said the Chinese friends,. 
“ Do you expect to sec India independent ? ” 

“ Yes, of course,” came the reply in no un- 
certain terms. “I 7m7U to see India free in my 
lifetime. But God may not consider me fit 
enough to see the dream of life fulfilled. Then 
I shall quarrel, not with Him hut with myself.” 

“ But without an array how can you ever 
succeed ? ” 

“Well, we have done so t’ Wc are 
nearing our goal without having fired a single 
shot. It will be a miracle if wc succeed. But 
there is nothing to make me doubt the efficacy 
of the weapon of non-violence. Whether, how- 
ever, we have the requisite degree of it within 
us has yet to be proved.” 

"Is there hatred against the British?” 

“ Yes — alas — but if we remain non-violent, 
hatred will die as everything does from disuse.” 

"It is very hard for us to get rid of hatred 
against Japan.” 

“ Yes, it will take generations for you as 
you are using violence against them. I do not 

APEIL 13, 1940 1 HARIJAN 89 

say that you should not have defended your- 
selves violently, but under those circumstances 
hatred cannot die.” 

‘‘ Are the British easier to deal with than 
any other people ? '* 

‘“They are as easy, in terms of non-violence, 
to deal with as anyone else. But not having 
dealt with anyone else I cannot say from prac- 
tical experience. All conquerors of India have 
reacted to what is noble in Indian culture and 
in Indian nature, the Muslims included, I 
believe the Germans would have done likewise. 
It may even be that the English reaction has 
been less than what others’ may have been 
because of their insularity and colour prejudice,” 

If Gandhiji had the time, there would have 
been more questions, but before getting into 
the car the visitor said, “ My half hour has 
been the fulfilment of a long chcrised dream, 
I shall never forget it.” 

Sevagram, 7-4-40 A. K« 


( By M., K. Gandhi ) 

A Domestic Difficulty 

Q. You have rightly said that no one who 
has not renounced untouchability in every shape 
and form can take part in Satyagraha, Supposing 
a Congressman’s wife does not share his convic- 
tion in this regard and won’t let him bring 
Harijans into his house, what should he do — 
coerce his wife into conformity with his views, 
renounce her, or renounce the Satyagraha 
struggle ? 

A. No occasion for coercing your wife. You 
should let her go her way and you should go 
yours. This would mean her having a separate 
kitchen for herself and, if she likes, also a 
separate room. Thus there is no question of 
renouncing the struggle. 

Teachers and Satyagraha 

Q. What part should a teacher who has faith 
in your constructive work play in the coming 
struggle, that of an active Satyagrahi or a 
passive Satyagrahi only ? 

A. The data given by you are insufficient, 
but from what you have given I can say that 
you should play the passive part. 

State Praja Mandals 

Q. What is the duty, in the event of civil 

disobedience, of members of Praja Mandals in 

the States and the rest of the people of the 
States ? 

A, If civil disobedience is started by the 
Congress, it will be as against the British 

Government. The people of the States cannot 

and ought not to offer any civil disobedience in 
the States. Hence it follows that the Praja 
Mandals will remain unaffected by the Congress 
civil disobedience. But individuals of the States 
can, if they wish, join the civil disobedience 
campaign in British India, They can, therefore, 
send in their names to the nearest Congress 
committee outside their State. 

The More Essentia! 

Q. Which is the more essential requirement 
in your mind for starting civil disobedience — 
your inner urge which may make you fight 
even single-handed, or the fulfilment of your 
conditions by Congressmen? What will be the 
position if they are prepared and you have not 
felt the call? 

A. There can be no inner urge if my con- 
ditions are not fulfilled. It is possible that there 
may be apparent fulfilment of conditions but 
there may be no inner response in me. In such 
a case I cannot declare civil disobedience; but 
it will be open to the Congress to repudiate 
me and declare civil disobedience independently 
of me. 


Q. Will those who are not now either Con- 
gress members or active Satyagrahis be asked 
to join the movement ? If so, how ? 

A. They should become Congress members 
and have their names registered as Satyagrahis. 
A. B. C. Classes 

Q. Why should not all Satyagrahis ask to be 
included in “ C ’ Class only ? 

A. There is a great deal to be said in favour 
of your suggestion. 


Q. You should give your opinion clearly 
about secrecy. During the last struggle there 

was a great deal of secrecy to outwit the 


A. I am quite clear that secrecy does no 

good to our cause. It certainly gave joy to 

those who were able successfully to outwit 
the police. Their cleverness was undoubted. But 
Satyagraha is more than cleverness. Secrecy 
takes away from its dignity. Satyagrahis have 
no reason to have secret books or secret funds. 
I am aware that my opinion has not found 
favour among many co-workers. But I have seen 
no reason to change it. I admit I was lukewarm 
before. Experience has taught me that I should 
have been firm. 

Damage to Property 

Q. You know that many Congressmen openly 
preached that there was no violence in damaging 
property, i. e. destroying rails, burning thanas 
when they are not occupied, cutting telegraph 
poles, burning post boxes, etc. 

A. I have never been able to understand 
this reasoning. It is pure violence. Satyagraha 
is self-suffering and not inflicting suffering on 
others. There is surely often more violence in 
burning a man’s property than doing him 
physical injury. Have not so-called Satyagrahis 
preferred imprisonment to fines or confiscation 
of their property ? Well has one of my critics 
said that I have succeeded in teaching disruptive 
disobedience till at last it has come home to 
roost, but that I have signally failed in teaching 
people the very difficult art of non-violence. 
He has also said that in my haste I have put 
the cart before the horse and therefore all my 



talk of civil disobedience is folly if not worse, 
I am not able to give a satisfactory reply to 
this criticism. I am but a poor mortal. I 
believe in my experiment and in my uttermost 
sincerity. But it may be that the only fitting 
epitaph after my death will be “ He tried but 
signally failed.” 

Sevagram, 7-4-40 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

A friend writing from America propounds the 
following two questions: 

“1. Granted that Satyagraha is capable of win- 
ning India’s independences what are the chances 
of its being accepted as a principle of State policy 
in a free India? In other words, would a strong 
and independent India rely on Satyagraha as a 
method of self-preservation, or would it lapse back 
to seeking refuge in the age-old institution of war, 
however defensive its character? To restate the ques- 
tion on the basis of a purely theoretic problem: Is 
Satyagraha likely to be accepted only in an up“hill 
battle, when the phenomenon of martyrdom is fully 
effective, or is it also to be the instrument of a 
sovereign authority which has neither the need nor 
the scope of behaving on the principle of martyrdom? 

2. Suppose a free India adopts Satyagraha as an 
instrament of State policy, how would she defend 
herself against probable aggression by another sove- 
reign State? To restate the question on the basis 
of a purely theoretic problem: What would be 
the Satyagrahic action-patterns to meet the invading 
army at the frontier ? What kind of resistance can 
be offered the opponent before a common area of 
action, such as the one now existing in India between 
the Indian nationalists and the British Government, 
is established ? Or should the Satyagrahis withhold 
their action until after the opponent has taken over 
the country ? ” 

The questions are admittedly theoretical. They 
are also premature for the reason that I have 
not mastered the whole technique of non-violence. 
The experiment is still in the making. It is 
not even in its advanced stage. The nature of 
the experiment requires one to be satisfied with 
one step at a time. The distant scene is not 
for him to see. Therefore my answers can only 
be speculative. 

In truth, as I have said before, now we are 
not having unadulterated non-violence even in 
our struggle to win independence. 

As to the first question, I fear that the 
chances of non-violence being accepted as a 
principle of State policy are very slight, so far 
as I can see at present. If India docs not accept 
non-violence as her policy after winning inde- 
pendence, the second question becomes superfluous. 

But I may state my own individual view of 
the potency of non-violence. I believe that a 
State can be administered on a non-violent basis 
if the vast majority of the people are non- 
violent. So far as I know, India is the only 
country which has a possibility of being such a 

[ APRIL 13, 1940 

State. I am conducting my experiment in that 
faith. Supposing, therefore, that India attained in- 
dependence through pure non-violence, India could 
retain it too by the same means, A non-violent 
man or society does not anticipate or provide 
for attacks from without. On the contrary such, 
a person or society firmly believes that nobody 
is going to disturb them. If the worst happens, 
there are two ways open to non-violence. To- 
yield possession but non- cooperate with the 
aggressor. Thus, supposing that a modern edition 
of Nero descended upon India, the representatives 
of the State will let him in but tell him that 
he will get no assistance from the people. They 
will prefer death to submission. The second 
way would be non-violent resistance by the 
people who have been trained in the non-violent 
way. They would offer themselves unarmed as 
fodder for the aggressor’s cannons. The- underly- 
ing belief in either case is that even a Nero 
is not devoid of a heart. The unexpected 
spectacle of endless rows upon rows of men and 
women simply dying rather than surrender to 
the will of an aggressor must ultimately melt 
him and his soldiery. Practically speaking there 
will be probably no greater loss in men than if 
forcible resistance was offered ; there will be no 
expenditure in armaments and fortifications. The 
non-violent training received by the people will 
add inconceivably to their moral height. Such 
men and women will have shown personal 
bravery of a type far superior to that shown 
in armed warfare. In each case the bravery 
consists in dying, not in killing. Lastly, there is 
no such thing as defeat in non-violent resistance. 
That such a thing has not happened before is 
no answer to my speculation. I have drawn 
no impossible picture. Histoty is replete with 
instances of individual non-violence of the type 
I have mentioned. There is no warrant for 
saying or thinking that a group of men and 
women cannot by suflScient training act non- 
violent ly as a group or nation. Indeed the sum 
total of the experience of mankind is that men 
somehow or other live on. From which fact I 
infer that it is the law of love that rules 
mankind. Had violence, i. e. hate, ruled us, we 
should have become extinct long ago. And yet 
the tragedy of it is that the so-called civilised 
men and nations conduct themselves as if the 
basis of society was violence. It gives me 
ineffable joy to make experiments proving that 
love is the supreme and only law of life. Much 
evidence to the contrary cannot shake my faith* 
Even the mixed non-violence of India has sup-* 
ported it, 'But if it is not enough to convince 
an unbeliever, it is enough to incline a friendly 
critic to view it with favour. 

Sevagram. 8-4-40 

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April 13, 1940 ] 




The revival of handspinning and handweaving 
in China under the stress of war has already 
been alluded to in these columns. The January 
number of the American magazine Asia contains 
an article entitled “Tale of a Spinning Wheel” 
by Lewis S. C. Smythe, which describes another 
eflfort in the same direction. The writer is a 
Westerner participating, at the invitation of 
the Chinese Government, in the organization of 
Industrial Cooperatives in China. He has been 
a professor of sociology at the University of 
Nanking (now removed to the interior terri- 
tory of Chengtu) and has been granted leave 
for the new work he has been called upon to 
undertake. Many of the factories situated on 
the west coast of China have been destroyed 
by the Japanese invaders, and the Chinese have 
to fall back upon hand production for many of 
their urgent needs. A plan was thus made in 
January 1939 for making army blankets by simple 
hand methods. In course of his investigations 
for a suitable spinning wheel which was the 
first necessity in the new programme, the writer 
chanced upon an improved model which had 
been simplified by a Chinese by mounting the 
spindle directly over the treadle wheel. Further 
improvements were carried out in the structure 
of the wheel to make it more efficient for 
spinning the sort of woollen yarn needed for 
blankets To make the required number of 
blankets ( 150 thousand ) in time for the coming 
winter 7,500 wheels and 750 handlooms were 
needed. Further work in the direction is thus 
.described : 

*‘The local women soon learned that with the new 
wheel it was easier to produce an even yarn ; greater 
production could be secured; and for beginners the new 
wheel was much easier to learn to operate. Expert 
women workers can produce two catties of yarn per 
•day. Consequently the local weaving union decided 
to provide its fortythree weaving cooperatives with 
the new type of wheel. Women living with their 
families and others who register at the union office 
will be supplied with the wheels on condition that they 
•spin for the blanket programme. They will be trained 
in the use of wheels on condition that each one 
trains ten others. Later, some of these women will 
be organized into spinning coops. Fifty men from 
the weaving coops were trained also and are to 
•supervise the spinning so that the work will be 
kept up to standard.” 

The aluminium required for making ‘ flyers ’ 
•( spindles ) is expected from the remnants of the 
Japanese aircraft destroyed by the Chinese ! The 
Japanese bombers have not yet been able to 
penetrate the interior. Coastal cities and towns 
have been laid waste but the far-off villages 
still remain untouched. And it is here that the 
revival of the handicraft economy is going on. 

The women who spin and the men who weave 
are scattered in countless villages beyond the attack 
of Japanese bombers. The machine coop that makes 
the new wheels is far out in the country on the 
side of a hill. The carpenters and machinists who 
turn the pile of logs and scrap iron, delivered by 
boat, into humming spinning wheels have plenty of 
air and sunshine* The strong brown backs of the 

sawyers swing to the tune of^ ‘ We’ll beat the Japs 
yet, well beat the Japs yet. * For C. I. C. has 
taught them * a new way in which they can use 
their skill and strength to help save their fellow 

Efforts are being made to devise anew or dupli- 
cate some sort of small scale carding equipment 
from English models. The new wheel is also 
reported to produce better yarn from uncarded 
wool than from machine-carded wool. Admittedly 
this is an effort made necessary by war condi- 
tions, and whether it will continue even in 
peace times remains to be seen. Readers will 
please not ask further questions about the wheel, 
as it is impossible to get any more information 
or to procure a wheel referred to here from 
China. The importance of the activity lies for 
us primarily in the example it provides us of 
determined corporate effort in which even 
women and children participate, inspired with a 
desire to render some service to their country. 
It also testifies to the fact that rural surround- 
ings and rural handicrafts are proving the last 
resort of an invaded nation. As the writer of 
another article in the same issue of Asia says: 

It is interesting that today, when China is facing 
imperialist Japan with such determination, she is 
reaching out into these districts, not with forts 
and machine guns, but with the idea of bringing 
together the various peoples by helping them in 
industry, in education and health and in the 
possession of more of the better things of life. 
The industrial cooperative, instead of the desperately 
maintained fort, is seen today to be the better way/' 

And what missionary zeal inspires the volun- 
teer men and women who tread the country- 
side imparting to hundreds of their compatriots 
the knowlegc of the new technique of spinning 
and weaving ! Here is a description which bears 

“ Our chief claim to fame on the way up was 
the new-type spinning wheel which we carried, 
around which would gather groups of interested 
womenfolk. Spinning in this locality is done by 
the oldest known method, and a machine which 
enabled one person to spin two catties instead of 
half a catty in one day was certainly some im- 
provement. Weavers here, we found, also had the 
oldest methods known. Two women stood at a 
little distance from each other, with the warp around 
their waists, and passed the shuttle through it by 
hand. The result was not good, a loosely woven 
article. Some of these people around Sungpan are 
already receiving instruction in the use of both 
the improved spinning wheel and the improved 
loom. To them it is a real advance in 
civilization, and their teacher is thrilled to be 
able to^ impart the knowledge he acquired in an 
orphans’ industrial class in Kwanhsien. He was a 
lad from the Sungpan Valley whose people had lost 
all in the earthquake. He had drifted to Kwanhsien, 
and had been taken in charge by the authorities 
and taught a trade. Filled with the missionary 
spirit, he now tries to impart what he has learned, 
and the audience is certainly appreciative.” 

How much more intensive and widespread 
endeavour do we need for the prosecution of a 
programme which is with us not a mere war 
measure but for some of us is also calculated 
to form the basis of a new economic order 
based on peace. C. S. 



( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

Nawabzada Liaqat Ali Khan has, in his criti- 
cism of my reply to Qaid-e-Azam, put some 
questions which I gladly answer. I must adhere 
to my statement that I have never spoken to 
anybody on the communal question as a Hindu, 
I have no authority. Whenever I have spoken 
to anybody I have spoken as a Congressman, 
but often only as an individual. No Congress- 
man, not even the President, can always speak 
as a representative. Big things have always been 
transacted on this planet by persons belonging 
to diflferent organisations coming together and 
talking informally in their non-representative 
capacity. I fear that even the answer I am 
about to give must be taken as representing 
nobody but myself. In the present instance I 
have reason to say that probably I do not 
represent any single member of the Working 
Committee. I am answering as a peace- 
maker, as a friend (and may I say brother) of 
the Mussaimans. 

As a man of non-violence I cannot forcibly 
resist the proposed partition if the Muslims of 
India really insist upon it. But I can never be 
a willing party to the vivisection. I would 
em.ploy every non-violent means to prevent it. 
For it means the undoing of centuries of work 
done by numberless Hindus and Muslims to live 
together as one nation. Partition means a patent 
untruth. My whole soul rebels against the idea 
that Hinduism and Islam represent two antago- 
nistic cultures and doctrines. To assent to such 
a doctrine is for me denial^ of God. For I 
believe with my whole soul that the God of 
the Quran is also the God of the Gita, and 
that we are all, no matter by what name desig- 
nated, children of the same God. I must rebel 
against the idea that millions of Indians who 
were Hindus the other day changed their 
nationality on adopting Islam as their religion. 

But that is my belief. I cannot thrust it 
down the throats of the Muslims who think that 
they are a diflSerent nation. I refuse, however, 
to believe that the eight crores of Muslims will 
say that they have nothing in common with 
their Hindu and other brethren. Their mind can 
only be known by a referendum duly made to 
them on that clear issue. The contemplated 
Constituent Assembly can easily decide the 
question. Naturally on an issue such as this 
there can. be no arbitration. It is purely and 
simply a matter of self-determination. I know 
of no other conclusive method of ascertaining 
the mind of the eight crores of Muslims, 

But the contemplated Constituent Assembly 
will have the framing of a constitution as its 
m ain function. It cannot do this until the 
communal question is settled. 

I still believe that there can be no Swaraj 
by non-violent means without communal unity. 

[ April 13, 1940 

And eight crores of Muslims can certainly bar 
the way to peaceful freedom. 

If then I still talk of civil disobedience, it is 
because I believe that the Muslim masses wane 
freedom as much as the rest of the popuiacion 
of this country. And assuming that they do 
not, civil disobedience will be a powerful means 
of educating public opinion whether Muslim, 
Hindu or any other. It will also be an educa- 
tion of world opinion. But I will not embark 
upon it unless I am, as far as is humanly pos- 
sible, sure that non-violence wil! be observed 
both in spirit and in the letter. I hope the 
Nawabzada has no difficulty in believing that 
whatever is gained by civil disobedience will be 
gained for all. When India gets the power fo 
frame her own constitution, the Muslims will 
surely have a decisive voice in shaping their 
own future. It will not be, cannot be, decided 
by the vote of the majority. 

Lastly, I suggest to the Nawabzada that he 
wrote in haste the lines about the President of 
the Congress. For they are contrary to the 
history of our own times. And he was equally 
in haste in suggesting that “the sole objective 
of the Congress under Mr. Gandhi’s fostering 
care has been the revival of Hinduism and the 
imposition of Hindu culture on a!! and sundry.’’' 
My own objective is not the issue in the terri- 
ble indictment. The objective of the Congress 
is wholy political. Nothing is to be gained by 
making statements that arc incapable of proof. 
So far as my own objective is conccrpcd, my 
life is an open book. I claim to represent nil 
the cultures, for my religion, whatever it may 
be called, demands the fulfilment of all cultures. 
I am at home wherever I go, for [ regard all 
religions with the same respect as my own. 

Sevagram, 9-4-40 

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The DiiENAHANDiia 




Chakkiia-Swaraj-Ai I imsa . . . 

M. K. 



All on Tkiai. 

M. K. 



A Humble Tkibutk 








Question Box 

M. K. 



Two Questions from 


M. K. 



Spinning Wheel in China ... 




My Position 

M. K. 



Notes : 

A True Friend of the 



K. G. 


Andrews’ Legacy 


K. G. 


How Not to Do It 


K. G. 


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VoL. Vni. No. 10 ] POONA — SATURDAY, APRIL 20, 1940 / [ ONE ANNA 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

Danger of Delay 

Q. You say you will not launch civil dis- 
obedience till Congressmen are 'fully trained in 
non-violence and disciplined. That is right. But 
in the meantime the country is being bled 
white. Increased railway fares, duty on sugar, 
the reduction of sugarcane prices are only a 
few instances -n point. Is it right to delay the 
struggle till our best workers are picked off one 
by one, and thus lose the fight without ‘striking 
a blow’? 

A. I can cite &r more telling instances than 
you have given for justifying civil disobedience. 
But civil disobedience is not being delayed for 
want of justification. It is being delayed for 
want of preparation. I should be a stupid 
general if I began the fight in spite of my 
knowledge that my resources are poor. If the 
leaders are picked off by the Government with- 
out just cause, it would mean an invitation to 
the Congress to fight. I would not answer the 
invitation if I were not ready. The leaders’ 
being picked off can do the country no harm. 
For we know that disciplined jail-going is itself 
a part of the struggle. Moreover, the imprison- 
ment of leaders will test our strength as an 
organisation. A non-violent organisation implies 
the equal education and therefore equal fitness 
of all units. That we have not arrived at that 
stage shows our ignorance of the working of 

Authorised and Unauthorised Strikes 

Q. In your leading article of March 30, you 
have hoped that passive Satyagrahis will not 
interfere with the course of the struggle by 
“ precipitating strikes of labourers”. There is 
just this cryptic word ** precipitating ” and 
nothing more. When I read it first, I did not 
particularly notice it. But I had to do a lot 
of explaining later. Unless a very careful reader 
or trained to understand your way of thought 
and expression, one is likely to go astray. One 
may miss the force of the word “precipitating” 
and understand it as if you frowned upon all 
strikes of labourers. 

With the recent Ahmedabad fight for a war 
bonus, no one would be entitled to regard you 
as an opponent of labourers’ strikes as such. 
The strike in Ahmedabad was indeed averted, 
but you had approved of it and the workers 
realised their demands. The work in Ahmedabad 

was done methodically. There was proper pre- 
sentation and working out of labour’s demands, 
completing of arbitration, full notice and ballot- 
ing of the over hundred thousand votes on 
the question of the strike. I believe that, if 
after such methodical work a strike cannot be 
averted, you will approve of it and only assure 
yourself that there is no violence. 

A. You are right. I consider myself to be 
an expert in organised strikes. My first success- 
ful attempt was made in South Africa under 
most adverse circumstances. I improved the 
technique in Ahmedabad. I do not claim to have 
reached perfection. I know that strikes can be 
made irresistible, I have discountenanced only 
unauthorised strikes. The Congress has not gained 
control over labour. Some Congressmen have. 
Almost all the strike leaders have their own 
methods. All of them are not non-violent. Some 
are ruled by selfish considerations. Some others 
are unscrupulous. What I, therefore, ask for is 
at least passive, if not active, co-operation. I 
shall not need strikes for the purpose of the 
struggle. What shape mass civil disobedience 
will take, if it ever comes, I cannot say. But I 
can say what it will never do if I have any. 
thing to do with it. I know that, if the Con- 
gress had non-violent control over all labour in 
India, the Congress could become far more power- 
ful than it is today. That control will come 
when the Congress has one policy about labour 
and has enough workers to give effect to it, 

Untouchability and Conversion 

Q. If the object of the Congress in the liqui- 
dation of untouchability is to give Harijans a 
status of equality with the rest, is this not 
achieved by their conversion to Islam ? Why 
does the Independence Fledge allocate the pro- 
gramme of the removal of untouchability to the 
EUndus only? Does this not show that the 
Congress is anxious to maintain a Hindu majo- 
rity and therefore denies to the Mussalmans 
their right of conversion? 

A. Liquidation of untouchability cannot be 
attained by the conversion of untouchables to 
Islam or any other religion. For it is the so- 
called Caste Hindu who has to rid himself of 
the sin of untouchability. He can wash away 
the stain only by doing justice, however tardy, 
to the outcaste. You will thus see why Mus- 
lims are not invited by the Congress to share 
the burden with the Hindus. They have com- 
mitted no sin against the untouchables. I can- 
not prevent you from looking at a simple but 



[ April 20, 1940 

necessary social reform as a political dodge 

to maintain a majority. Tens of thousands of 
Hindus who are doing penance have no thought 
of majority. All they want is to do justice 

to those whom, under the guise of religion. 

Caste Hindus have reduced to a state worse 
than slavery. Lastly, you are hopelessly wrong 
in suggesting that the Congress denies the right 
to Muslims to convert ‘ untouchables The 

Congress cannot prevent anybody from doing 
conversion work. Whether you will exercise the 
right in the right manner or wrong is for you 
to consider. 

Sevagram, 15-4-40 



In the course of his speech at the recent 
meeting of the Chamber of Princes, the Maha- 
raja Saheb of Bikaner is reported to have said: 

“ It has been alleged in Congress circles that the 
Princes are an imperial creation, that they are 
vassals of the Crown and have no status apart 
from the Crown, that the question of the States is 
a red herring drawn across the path of India’s 
progress for imperialistic purposes, that the problem 
of the States is a bogey raised by the British 
Government...! may here be permitted to state that 
many States, big as well as small, owe their 
existence to the strong arm of their former Rulers 
and that too before the establishment of the British 
Empire in India. Their claims cannot be dismissed 
in this airy fashion which ignores irrefutable histori- 
cal facts... If one might point out in all friendliness, 
it is British India which is the creation of the 
British Government, 

The allegation has also been made that the Princes 
are unfriendly to the Congress. But that is not a 
correct statement of the situation. It is the Con- 
gress, however, which has of late shown active 
hostility to the States, and some of its prominent 
spokesmen have expressed the view that they do 
not want the States in the Federation, and that 
they would tear the treaties of the States as if 
they were scraps of paper and even that they 
would like to see the States done away with.” 

Not an Imperial Creation? 

Unfortunately, this kind of extravaganza has 
become but too common of late in Princely 
utterances. The description of the Constitutional 
position of the Princes in relation to the Para- 
mount Power as ‘vassalage’ or ‘subordinate co- 
operation’, one may in all respect point out, is 
not of Congress coining. It was laid down by 
the duly appointed! representatives of the very 
imperialist order to which, the Maharaja Saheb 
of Bikaner has declared times without number, 
the Princely order are proud to belong. 

As for the other statement to which the 
Maharaja Saheb took exception, viz. that the 
Princes arc an imperial creation, the very defini- 
tion of Indian States in the Government of India 
Act of 1935 is significant. It runs: 

“Indian State means any territory, not being part 
of British India, which His Majesty recognises as 

being such a State, whether described as a State^ 
an estate, a Jagir or otherwise.” 

In other words, their status is made to depend 
purely on “recognition by His Majesty'*. The 
history of British relationship with Princely 
India is littered with instances of States that 
were made or unmade, of zamindaris being 
elevated to chiefships and vice versa, by a breath 
of the imperial power according to the shifting 
needs of its policy. Take the case of the Tri- 
butary Mahals of Orissa, 26 in number, which 
collectively cover an area equal to that of an 
Indian Province and affect the destinies of 46 
lakhs of population. We have it on the highest 
authority that “ there was nothing in the nature 
of the connection of Government with the pro- 
prietors that would preclude their being brought 
under the ordinary jurisdiction of the courts if 
it should ever be thought desirable,”’ when 
they first came into relation with the British 
Government in 1803-1804 on the cession 
of Orissa by the Marathas. But in the Regu- 
lations of 1805 all these States, except Baud, 
Pal Lahara and Athamallik “ of which no 
mention was made **, were exempted from the 
Bengal Regulations “ on grounds of expediency 
alone”. The process was repeated in C. P. 
where “sound policy suggested the establish- 
ment..,, of a succession of , Rajput chiefships as 
barriers to the revival of Maratha soverciSnty which 
the Peshwa had finally resigned in 1818. ” And 
so, every part of this large tract, “ in which 
civil and predatory war had obliterated all 
political landmarks, was placed under some con- 
stituted authority; and thus from the wreck 
there emerged no less than 145 chiefships, which 
arc now recognised and placed under the 
Governor-General’s Agent in Central India.”® 

In Kathiawad, after a prolonged controversy, in 
which three members of the Government of 
Bombay, including Sir Bartle Frcre, the then 
Governor of Bombay, laid it down as their 
considered and definite opinion that Kathiawad 
was British territory, and the Government of 
India, in their despatch dated 14th April 1864, 
to the Secretary of State for India, recommended 
that the matter might be referred for final 
decision to law ofl&cers of the Crown, the 
question was in the end decided arbi- 
trarily. 212 States were newly created, leaving 
aside 12 first and second class States which 
formerly existed. The principle followed in 
assigning a particular class to a particular chief 
was the number of villages he possessed, his 
income, and his other status. “ Even landhold- 
ers possessing one or two entire villages were 
placed in the sixth and seventh class.” It 
appears in the course of time, of the newly 
created 212 States, those of the lower classes 
from fifth to seventh gradually disappeared 
through a process of sub-division of their estates 

7 Report of the Constitutional Position of the 
States in Bihar and Orissa and the Central Pro* 
vinces, By Mr. A. C. Lothian I. C. s. (1932), Para 28* 

2 Lee Warner : Protected Princes of hidia, p. 108 

Apsil 20, 1940] 



among their sons in succession and they were 
reduced to mere peasantry. Some of them were 
found absolutely incompetent to exercise their 
powers, and they were all deprived of their 
powers. [ Vide papers regarding Keating’s Classi- 
fication and paper book Privy Council in Hem- 
chand v. Sakarlal ( 1936 ), appeal cases, P. 237 ] 

Now take the reverse. The total number of 
States in The Imperial Gazetteer Vol. IV of 
1907 is given as 693. But the list for 1925 
contains only 562 States, the smaller figure 
for 1925 being due chiefly to the reduction 
of States from 148 to 89 in Central India 
Agency, from 52 to nil in Burma, and from 26 
to 1 in Assam. Even the powerful Rajas of 
Jodhpur, Bharatpur, etc., we find, show a history 
of variations in their status that are startling. ^ 

Further instances can be multiplied. It will 
thus be seen that the statement that the Princes 
are an imperial creation, is, in a very large 
number of cases out of the total 562 that 
comprise Princely India, literally and historically 
true. But the statement is true in another sense 
too. Pax Brittanica has deprived the States’ 
people of their “natural right to have capable 
and vigorous rulers”. The system of rule obtain- 
ing in the States today has neither the essential 
qualities of autarchy nor the constitutional sanc- 
tions of the popular system of government, but 
is, sui generis, a by-product and mainstay of the 
I^iperial system in India. 

** Sirong Arm ” — an Illusioia 

The Maharaja Saheb in his speech referred 
to the “ strong arm ” of the ancestors of some 
of the present rulers of the States big and small 
to which, he contended, they owed their exist-, 
cnce. Without wishing in the slightest way to 
detract from the glory of the house of Bikaner 
which is admittedly one of the most exalted in 
Princely India, one may be permitted to cross 
the t’s and dot the i’s of the Maharaja Saheb’s 
statement. The first treaty between Bikaner and 
the British Government was concluded on 
March 9, 1818, the request for Treaty in 1908 
being not granted. Under it the latter 
“Engaged to protect the principality, while the 
Maharaja and his successors agreed to act in sub- 
ordiante co-operation with the British Government 
and acknowledge its supremacy. By article 5 the 
Maharaja and his successors agreed not to commit 
aggression on anyone. 

3. “ Even the powerful Rajas of Jaudhpur and. 
Bharatpur etc. were called Zamindars by the Moghul 
Government, down to the latest period, and we know^ 
the nature of their tenures. They were bound to 
attend in succession on the person of the Emperor 
at the head of a fixed quota of troops, their own 
countries were and are still subdivided into the lands 
of their military retainers or Thakores or the revenue 
lands, on the same principle that prevailed under 
the Hindu Government in the Empire at large. ” 
( A Sterling : An Account Statistical, Geographical and 
Hisiorical of Orissa proper or Cpttack. ) 

By article 7 the British Government undertook 
to reduce to subjection the Thakores and other 
inhabitants who had revolted and thrown off his 
authority^ The Maharaja undertook to pay all the 
costSo ( Italics mine ) 

In 1830 the British Resident had made prepara- 
tions to send forces to Bikaner to assist the chief 
in reducing the rebellious nobles. The chief was 
however given to understand that he had no right 
to call on the British Government for military aid 
against his disaffected subjects at any future period.” 
( Atchison’s -Treaties vol. Ill, p. 337 ) 

‘Tn 1871 discontent arose, the State was in debts, 
and exactions of the Maharaja to increase the 
revenue gave rise to acute unrest. The Thakore 
left Bikaner and took refuge in British territory. A 
British officer was deputed to make inquiries and 
to adjust the difference between the Maharaja and 
his nobles. 

In 1883, the affairs of the State relapsed into 
confusion, a resident Political Agent was appointed 
to Bikaner, and the Maharaja was required to 
conform to certain conditions so as to ensure to the 
political officer the power, of removing the abuses 
and of controlling the administration.” ( Ibid ) 

One wonders whether these cullings would be 
included by the Maharaja Saheb under the 
category of ‘irrefutable historical facts’ by which 
he swears. Bus if they are any guide, it would 
seem that the fortunes even of the illustrious 
house of Bikaner have depended less on the 
‘ strong arm ’ of its previous rulers than upon 
the shifting exigencies of the Imperial policy. 
As the Butler Committee’s report observed: 

“ It is not in accordance with historical facts 
that when the Indian States came into contact with 
the British power they were independent. Some were 
rescued, others were created by the British ...Through 
paramountcy and paramountcy alone have grown up 
those strong. ..relations... on which at all times the 
States rely for their preservation through the genera- 
tions that are to come. Through paramountcy is 
pushed aside the danger of destruction and annexa- 
tion.” ( Butler Committee s Report ) 

Sevagram, 8-4-40 Pyarelal 

Home and Village Doctor 

By Satish Chandra Dasgupta 
1384 pages. 18 chapters- Copious Index of 32 
pages. 219 illustrations. Price Rs. 5 cloth-bound; 

Rs. 6 leather-bound. By V. P. P. Rs. 6 and Rs. 7 
respectively. Published by Khadi Pratisthan, 15 College 
Square, Calcutta. Available at (1) Harijan office — 
Poona 4; ( 2 ) Harijan office — 81 Queen’s Road, 
opp. Marine Lines Station, Bombay 2. “Every village 
worker knowing English will make it a point to 
possess a copy,” says Gandhiji. Several eminent 
doctors have spoken highly of the book. “The book”, 
s^ys the author, “has behind it the experience of over 
ten thousand cases treated in the various institutions 
connected with the Khadi Pratisthan for the past 
seven years, according to the lines indicated. ” 

Educational Reconstruction 
New edition. Price Rs. l-4-<l. Postage 3 As. 

96 HARIJAN [ April 20, 1940 

Apr. 20 



( By M. K, Gandhi ) 

The happenings in Ajmer are a danger signal, 
if the facts received by me are correct. I have 
no reason to doubt their accuracy. The facts are 
these. There was a khadi exhibition held during 
the National Week by known workers. The 
promoters had arranged a series of lectures on 
the importance of khadi and other village in- 
dustries. The National Flag was hoisted as is 
usual at these functions. The authorities served 
a notice that a flag having been erected on the 
rampart of the fort had caused annoyance to 
some of His Majesty’s subjects and should be 
hauled down within an hour. The promoters 
claimed that the ground was under municipal 
jurisdiction, and that they had authority from the 
municipality to hold the exhibition. The protest 
was of no avail. The flag was unceremoniously 
hauled down by the police and addresses pro- 
hibited. If the exhibition was held under the 
permission of the municipality, the interference 
with the flag was clearly illegal. Bat apart from 
the illegality, the hauling down of the flag was 
a highly provocative act. An insult such as 
this can easily lead to unexpected results. I 
suggest that the matter is one for the Central 
authority to investigate. I hope that the Central 
authority does not want to provoke a clash 
which is highly likely if incidents like the 
Ajmer one are repeated. It would be deplorable 
if the non-intended happened. 

The promoters telephoned to me for advice 
immediately the incident happened. Contrary to 
their expectations I advised the workers to 
submit to the order. Ordinarily I would not 
have a moment’s hesitation in advising disobe- 
dience of such an order. I am the author of 
the flag. It is dear ^ to me as life. But I do 
not believe in flag waving. This flag represents 
unity, non-violence, and identification through 
the charkha of the highest with the lowliest 
in the land. Any insult to the flag must leave 
a deep scar on an Indian breast. But today 
unity is lacking; the Muslim League has declar- 
ed its hostility to the flag; those who honour 
it do not accept the authoritative implications 
of the flag. And the nation is preparing for a 
vast struggle. In a situation such as this I 
felt that the best course was to suppress the 
impulse to answer the, insult. I felt that the 
restraint would be a test of the discipline of 
the workers in Ajmer, It would be a lesson 
to all India in the non-violent technique, and 
an opportunity for the Central authority to undo 
what appears to have been a wanton interfer- 

ence with the ordinary peaceful non-political 
activity of the Congress. It should be remem- 
bered that the exhibition had nothing what- 
soever to do with the impending struggle. I 
congratulate the workers on their prompt 
compliance with my instructions. They have 
strengthened the Congress by showing their 
capacity for observing discipline, 

Sevagram, 16-4-40 


( By M- K. Gandhi ) 

The following draft resolution was sent to 
me by Shri Jaiprakash Narain. He asked me, 
if I accepted his picture, to put it before 
the Working Committee at Ramgarh. 

“The Congress and the country are on the eve 
of a great national upheaval. The final battle for 
freedom is soon to be fought. This will happen 
when the whole world is being shaken by mighty 
forces of change. Out of the catastrophe of the 
European War, thoughtful minds everywhere are 
anxious to create a new world — a world based on 
the co-operative goodwill of nations and men. At 
such a time the Congress considers it necessary to 
state definitely the ideals of freedom for wnich it 
stands and for which it is soon to invite the 
Indian people to undergo the uttermost sufferings* 

The free Indian nation shall work for peace 
between nations and total rejection of armaments 
and for the method of peaceful settlement of 
national disputes through some international authority 
freely established. It will endeavour particularly to 
live on the friendliest terms with its neighbours, 
whether they be great powers or small nations, and 
shall covet no foreign territory. 

The law of the land will be based on the will of 
the people freely expressed by them. The utlimate 
basis of maintenance of order shall be the sanction 
and concurrence of the people. 

The free Indian State shall guarantee full indivi- 
dual and civil liberty and cultural and religious 
freedom, provided that there shall be no freedom to 
overthrow by violence the constitution framed by 
the Indian people through a Constituent Assembly. 

The State shall not discriminate in any manner 
between citizens of the nation. Every citizen shall 
be guaranteed equal rights. All distinctions of birth 
and privilege shall be abolished. There shall be no 
titles emanating either from inherited social status 
or the State. 

The political and economic organisation of the State 
shall be based on principles of social justice and 
economic freedom. While this organisation shall 
conduce to the satisfaction of the national require- 
ments of every member of society, material satisfac- 
tion shall not be its sole objective. It shall aim 
at healthy living and the moral and intellectual 
development of the individual. To this end to 
secure social justice, the State shall endeavour to 
promote small scale production carried on by 
individual or co-operrtive effort for the equal benefit 
of all concerned. All large scale collective production 
shall be eventually brought under collective ownership 

April 20 , 1940 ] 



and control, and in this behalf the State shall 
begin by nationalising heavy transport, shipping, 
mining and the heavy industries. The textile industry 
shall be progressively decentralised. 

The life of the villages shall be reorganised and 
the villages shall be made self-governing units, self- 
sufhcient in as large a measure as possible. The 
land laws of the country shall be drastically reformed 
on the principle that land shall belong to the actual 
cultivator alone, and that no cultivator shall have 
more land than is necessary to support his family 
on a fair standard of living. This will end the 
various systems of landlordism on the one hand and 
farm bondage on the other. 

The State shall protect the interests of the classes, 
but when these impinge upon the interests of those 
who have been poor and downtrodden, it shall defend 
the latter and thus restore the balance of social 

In all State-owned and State-managed enterprises, 
the workers shall be represented in the management 
through their elected representatives and shall have 
an equal share in it with the representatives of the 

In the Indian States, there shall be complete 
democratic government established and in accordance 
with the principles of abolition of social distinction 
and equality between citizens, there shall not be 
any titular heads of the States in the persons of 
Rajas and Nawabs. 

This is the order which the Congress envisages 
and which it shall work to establish. The Congress 
firmly believes that this order shall bring happiness, 
prosperity and freedom to the people of all races 
and religions in India who together shall build on 
these foundations a great and glorious nation.” 

I liked it and read his letter and the draft 
to the Working Committee. The Committee, 
however, thought that the idea of having only 
one resolution for the Ramgarh Congress should 
be strictly adhered to, and that the original, as 
framed at Patna, should not be tampered with. 
The reasoning of the Committee was unexcep- 
tionable, and the draft resolution was dropped 
without any discussion on merits. I informed 
Shri Jaiprakash of the result of my eflFort. He 
wrote back suggesting that he would be satisfied 
if I could do the next best thing, namely 
publish it with full concurrence or such as 
I could give it. 

I have no diflEculty in complying with Shri 
Jaiprakash’s wishes. As an ideal to be reduced 
to practice as soon as possible after India comes 
into her own, I endorse in general all except 
one of the propositions enunciated by Shri 

I have claimed that I was a socialist long 
before those I know in India had avowed their 
creed. But my socialism was natural to me and 
not adopted from any books. It came out of 
my unshakable belief in non-violence. No man 
could be actively non-violent and not rise 
►against social injustice, no matter where it 
occurred. Unfortunately Western socialists have. 

so far as I know, believed in the necessity of 
violence for enforcing socialistic doctrines. 

I have always held that social justice, even 
unto the least and the lowliest, is impossible 
of attainment by force. I have further believed 
that it is possible by proper training of the 
lowliest by non-violent means to secure redress 
of the wrongs suffered by them. That means is 
non-violent non-cooperation. At times non-co- 
operation becomes as much a duty as cooperation. 
No one is bound to cooperate in one’s own 
undoing or slavery. Freedom received through 
the effort of others, however benevolent, cannot 
be retained when such eflFort is withdrawn. In 
other words, such freedom is not real freedom. 
But the lowliest can feel its glow as soon as 
they learn the art of attaining it through non- 
violent non-cooperation. 

It therefore gladdens me to find Shri JaU 
prakash accepting, as I read his draft, non- 
violence for the purpose of establishing the order 
envisaged by him. I am quite sure that non- 
violent non-cooperation can secure what violence 
never can, and this by ultimate conversion of 
the wrong-doers. We in India have never given 
non-violence the trial it has deserved. The 
marvel is that we have attained so much even 
with our mixed non-violence. 

Shri Jaiprakash’s propositions about land may 
appear frightful. In reality they arc not. No 
man should have more land than he needs for 
dignified sustenance. Who can dispute the fact 
that the grinding poverty of the masses is due 
to their having no land that they can call 
their own? 

But it must be realised that the reform cannot 
be rushed. If it is to be brought about by 
non-violent means, it can only be done by edu- 
cation both of the haves and the have-nots. 
The former should be assured that there never 
will be force used against them. The have-nots 
must be educated to know that no one can 
really compel them to do anything against their 
will, and that they can secure their freedom by 
learning the art of non-violence, i. e. self-suffer- 
ing. If the end in view is to be achieved, the 
education I have, adumbrated has to be com- 
menced now. An atmosphere of mutual respect 
and trust has to be established as the preli- 
minary step. There can then be no violent 
conflict between the classes and the masses. 

Whilst, therefore, I have no diflEculty in 
generally endorsing Shri Jaiprakash’s propositio a 
in terms of non-violence, I cannot endorse his 
proposition about the Princes. In law they are 
independent. It is true that their independence 
is not worth much, for it is guaranteed by a 
stronger party. .But as against us they are able 
to assert their independence. If we come into 
our own through non-violent means, as is 
implied in Shri Jaiprakash’s draft proposals, I 
do not imagine a settlement in which the 
Princes will have eflFaced themselves. Whatever 
settlement is arrived at, the nation will have ta 



[ April 20, 1940 

carry out in full. I can therefore only conceive 
a settlement in which the big States will retain 
their status. In one way this will be far 
superior to what it is today; but in another it 
will be limited so as to give the people of the 
States the same right of self-government within 
their States as the people of the other parts of 
India will enjoy. They will have freedom of 
speech, a free press and pure justice guaranteed to 
them. Perhaps Shri Jaiprakash has no faith in the 
Princes automatically surrendering their autocracy. 

I have. First because they are just as good 
human beings as we are, and secondly because of 
my belief in the potency of genuine non-violence. 
Let me conclude, therefore, by saying that the 
Princes and all others will be true and amena- 
ble when we have become true to ourselves, to 
our faith, if we have it, and to the nation. At 
present we are half-hearted. The way to free- 
dom will never be found through half-hearted- 
ness. Non-violence begins and ends by turning 
the searchlight inward. 

Sevagram, 14-4-40 

C. F. A. — THE MAH 

It was by his vigorous championship of the 
student victims of the Lahore Martial Law 
regime that I first came to know of him. I 
was then a student going up for my Bachelor 
of Arts degree, from the Government College 
Lahore, and though students of our college 
escaped the worst indignities of the Col, Frank 
Johnson regime, what one saw around one was 
enough to choke the soul of any patriotic 
and self-respecting young man. What disappoint- 
ed us students — and particularly me — most was 
the supine attitude of some of the religious 
leaders whom we had been taught to look up 
to and the inglorious way in which they truckl- 
ed to the irate commandant's demarche for the 
rustication of a certain percentage of students 
in certain colleges. The percentage was arbitra- 
rily fixed and the required quota had to be 
rusticated, guilt or no guilt. “ What sort of 
God-fearingness is that,” we asked ourselves, 
“ which does not even enable one to cast out 
fear and stand up for right and justice against 
oppression? Instead of sympathy, we got from 
‘ wise heads * counsels of prudence only. We 
were shunned and avoided as hot-heads 
fespohsible for the country’s troubles. Those 
were dark days indeed, and despair clutched at 
the heart of aspiring youth. 

It was then that Charlie Andrews’ voice was 
heard, clear, ringing, strident, espousing their 
cause and giving expression to their outraged 
feelings. He personally came to Lahore to do 
his bit for them,, and his residence became the 
Mecca of all rusticated students. It was usual 
in those days to compare the Jallianwalla Bagh 
tragedy with the massacre of Glencoe, But that 
did not satisfy Charlie Andrews’ historical sense. 
“No. It is worse even than that,” he rejoined, 
“considering the distance that humanity has 
travelled since that remote Highland tragedy.” 

It was a portent. For an Englishman who loved 
his country it was too much to sit still over 
his country's misdeeds. 

That gave one the key to his entire persona- 
lity. Charlie Andrews was, above all, a huma- 
nitarian. a servant of God who had made the 
whole world his family, and who recognised no 
frontiers of colour, caste or creed. None deserved 
better the title Deenabandhu which grateful 
India affectionately gave him, in recognition of 
his ceaseless labour of love for the sake of the 
poor. The cry of the distressed never found 
him unready. Ill-health never deterred him. 
He was ready at a moment’s notice to proceed 
to the ends of the earth in response to the 

cry of humanity whether it was from China 

or British Guiana, South Africa, Trinidad or 
Fiji. In fact the more forlorn a cause the 

greater was his sympathy for it. Like his master 
Jesus Christ, he never hesitated to pitch him- 
self against principalities and powers to champion 
the cause of the weak and the oppressed. In 
fact, he considered that to be the core of 

Jesus Christ’s teaching, and identified the Christ’s 
Kingdom of Heaven with the realization of his 
utopia of social justice upon earth. 

His Christianity was as wide as his humanity 
and the scriptures of other faiths were to him 
not less dear than that of his own. It was a 
favourite saying of his that, but for his Indian 
and non-Christian contacts, his own understand- 
ing of Christ would have remained incomplete. 
He literally followed Christ’s saying, “ Get you 
no gold, nor silver, nor brass in your purses, 
no wallet for your journey, neither two coats, 
nor shoes, nor staff,” sometimes with romantic 
results. The only occasion when as Gandhiji’s 
cashier I entrusted him with a ten rupee note 
to pay off his tongawalla, was when Gandhiji 
was convalescing after his appendicitis operation 
in the Sassoon Hospital, Poona. In the evening 
Charlie Andrews returned and innocently told 
me to pay off the tongawalla as the ten rupee 
note had "slipped out’’ of his open pocket”! 
I shall never forget the trouncing which I got 
from Gandhiji when I reported the matter to 
him. “ Could you not foresee,” he thundered, 
"he would give it away to the next beggar, if 
he did not lose it ? You might as well entrust 
a foaby with cash.” 

Miss Agatha Harrison, Charlie Andrews’ gift 
to Gandhiji and India, who acted sometimes as 
his' secretary, used to tell us ; " The first thing 
I do, when he returns from India, is to empty 
his pockets, lest important messages from friends 
across should go to the laundry instead of their 
proper destination. Charlie is a baby and needs 
to be mothered I” 

There it was, with all his depth and serious- 
ness, his unmatched erudition and wide experi- 
ence, he had the heart and innocence of a 
child of seven and was 
*' As the greatest only are 
In his simplicity sublime." 

April 20 , 1940 ] 



Yet with all the serious side of his nature ^ 
Deenabandhu was not devoid of humour. I shall 
never forget how at the time of the Second 
Indian Round Table Conference, during our stay 
together at 88 Knightsbridge in London* he 
once set the whole company of us roaring with 
laughter as he recited with inimitable mimicry 
his parody of the poem “ Hunting the Shark”, 
substituting for “ thirtytwo boxes ” in the original 
“ thirtytwo venerable Bishops”, Gandhi ji having 
just had a meeting with the Bishops at Lambeth 
Palace that day ; “Thirtytwo Bishops all carefully 
packed, his name well written on each.” The 
adventure in the improvisation, however, proved 
to be still-born, because, as often happened in 
C. F. A.’s own case, the keys of the boxes were 
all left behind! 

One of the last meetings that I had with 
him was in Gandhiji's company as he lay on 
his sick-bed in the Presidency Hospital, Calcutta. 
Again and again in the course of his talk he 
reverted to the “ inner universe”, in which he 
had, during his illness, found ineflfable peace. 
**As the outer senses become attenuated, this 
inner universe unfolds itself to you. Although 
it is invisible, it is real, and embraces man s 
entire existence. Just now, when the whole 
world seems to be rushing headlong to its doom, 
the need has become all the greater to renovate 
our soul by the rediscovery of and plunge into 
this inner universe, ” he remarked to Gandhiji. 
As the time to take leave drew near, he grew 
more and more restless and several times anxi- 
ously inquired whether his ward-sweeper had 
returned. We could not at first understand the 
reason for his anxiety, till I suddenly remem- 
bered how during Gandhiji’s 21 days’ fast for 
Hindu-Muslim unity at Delhi, he had brought 
to Gandhiji, by special appointment, the sweeper 
of “ Dilkhush ” ( the name of Rai Bahadur 
Sultan Singh’s bungalow, at the Ridge where 
Gandhiji was staying). He afterwards recorded 
in his poetical style in Young India the ineflfa- 
ble joy of the poor man at the darshan, which 
the curious can still read with benefit. It was 
so characteristic of Deenabandhu, even in extremist 
to be thinking of the “ poor, the lowliest and 
the lost”. 

Sevagram. 9-4-40 Pyarelal 

Jaipur State and Praja Mandal 

At last a settlement has been reached between 
the State and the Praja Mandal in Jaipur. The 
credit for this happy consummation belongs both 
to the authorities and Sheth Jamnalalji. Let us 
hope that the settlement will lead to cordial 
relations between the authorities and the Praja 
Mandal, and that the co-operation will result 
in progressive betterment of the people of the 
State in every respect. For this the State will 
have to show toleration and the Mandal res- 
traint in all its doings and utterances. 

Sevagram, 14-4-40 M, K. G. 

Mahatma Gandhi 

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The Rashtrabhasha Adhyapan Mandir of Wardha 
has been training Pracharaks for the various non- 
Hindi Provinces for the last three years. Young 
men from Maharashtra, Gujarat, Bombay, Sindh, 
Assam, Bengal and Orissa have been sent to their 
respective Provinces after a study in the national 
language. So far 31 Pracharaks have been trained in 
Hindi Adhyapan Mandir and each and every one of 
them has got employed in his province. 

When the Adhyapan Mandir, Wardha, was started 
three years back, there was no other arrangement 
in the non-Hindi provinces for the training of 
Pracharaks. But now several provinces have started 
their own Adhyapan Mandirs. Consequently the 
Rashtrabhasha Prachar Samiti, Wardha, has decided 
to re-organize the Wardha Adhyapan Mandir. This 
Mandir will now not train ordinary teachers. On 
the other hand, it will be a nucleus of higher study 
in Hindi or Hindustani for the non-Hindi provinces. 
15 candidates will be selected for the next session 
and ten of them will be awarded a monthly stipend 
of Rs. 10 each. Only those candidates will be 
selected who have passed either the ‘ Kovid ' 
examination of the Rashtrabhasha Prachar Samiti, 
Wardha, or the ‘ Visharad * examination of the Hindi 
Sahitya Sammelan, Allahabad. 

The aim of the Rashtrabhasha movement is not 
merely to teach a new language, but to strengthen 
the bonds of unity between the various provinces of 
India. We hope, therefore, that only those who 
realize the importance and usefulness of the move- 
ment and who are fired with a desire to serve their 
country, will apply for admission. The candidates 
should have also attained general education up to the 
Intermediate standard. 

The new session will begin from the 15th June, 
1940. All applications should reach the office of the 
Rashtrabhasha Prachar Samiti, Wardha, by the 15th 
May. Printed application forms can be had free from 
the Superintendent, Rashtrabhasha Adhyapan Mandir, 

Shrimannarayan Agrawal 

Secretary, Rashtrabhasha Prachar Samiti, Wardha. 

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[ Apeil 20, 1940 


( By M. K, Gandhi ) 

News about repression in Jodhpur is disquiet- 
ing. The Jodhpur Lok Parishad, which according 
to the information in my possession has been 
before now held in respect by the local authori- 
ties, has suddenly been declared illegal. Several 
prominent workers are under detention without 
trial. Speeches and processions arc banned. 

What is worse is the speech delivered by the 
Maharaja Bahadur, justifying the order. It reads 
as if a mountain was in labour. The following 
are extracts from the report of the speech : 

Unfortunately there is a small but vocal 
minority, who, by their deeds and actions, have 
recently given ample proof of their determination to 
find fault with everything which the Government do, 
and of their intention to hinder and embarrass the 
Government by all possible means unless the reins 
of Government are placed in their own inexperienced 

I refer in particular to a political organisation, 
which has brought itself to undesirable prominence 
under the title of ' Lok Parishad Members of the 

Lok Parishad ’ have recently become increasingly 
violent in their denunciations of all established order 
and traditions. The members of this party ask us 
to believe that the sole panacea for the many 
diverse afflictions, which we in common with all 
communities suffer, is to vote for and place our- 
selves unreservedly in the hands of the ‘ Lok 
Parishad*. We are asked to believe that with the 
advent to power of the ‘ Lok Parishad * there will 
be created a new heaven and a new earth, and I, 
the M&haraja of Jodhpur, am desired to place the 
destinies of my house and my people in the hands 
of the ‘ Lok Parishad ’ in order that peace may 
reign, and 'freedom’ be enjoyed by all. 

This is indeed a tall order and a bold demand, 
and I am not surprised that requests have poured 
in to me from the great sane and sober-minded 
majority of my subjects to put a stop to these 
extravagances and pretensions. If the ‘Lok Pari- 
afaad* consisted of men of political and administra- 
tive experience? men of ripe education, or of high 
professional attainments, we might be well advised to 
give to their words and expressions that serious consi- 
deration which thoughtful citizens would undoubtedly 
accord. But we find, now that an insistent clamour 
focusses our attention on the subject, that the* Lok 

groundless political agitation to grow and spread it: 
my State in time of war; nor am I prepared an> 
longer to allow an open campaign of subversive 
agitation manifestly designed to encourage our peasan- 
try to revolt and to corrupt our youth.” 

It seems that the voice is the Maharaja’s but 
the hand that has prepared it is not his. The 
speech consists of palpable exaggerations. The 
Parishad has more than 30 branches in the 

State and has many experienced men as mem- 
bers. I have seen correspondence in which their 
co-operation has been desired and sought for. 
The Lok Parishad has never put forth the 

claim attributed to it m the quotations. It has 

responsible government within the State as its 
goal. It has carried on agitation in the recog- 
nised manner. I suggest that it is highly undigni- 
fied for the advisers of the Maharaja to put 

into his mouth words that have no correlation 
to facts. They have not hesitated even to drag 
the war and the ‘alliance’ with Britain to justify 
the high-handed action adopted towards the 
Parishad. The Parishad, I am sure, will come 
out unscathed, if the workers can stand the 
test of self-suffering. Those who are imprison- 
ed will be the salt and saviours of Jodhpur, 
for they will be trusted by the people as their 
real servants. It is not right for the Princes 
and their advisers to ignore the time spirit and to 
resort to such statements and acts as cannot 
stand impartial scrutiny. I see from their leaflet 
that the Parishad have asked for an open. trial. 
They deny all the charges that are mentioned 
in the Maharaja’s speech. The least that is 
owing to the public is proof of the indictment 
against the Parishad. Meanwhile and whether the 
Parishad gets justice or not, I hope that its 
members will peacefully and bravely stand the 
sufferings that may be inflicted on them. 

Sevagram, 16-4-40 

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Parishad’ consists mainly of inexperienced young Station, Bombay 2. 
men, who do not appear to have achieved much 


. , . . — — X jU/i 

success m their various vocations.... Question Box 

They show no sign whatever of any co-operative Extravagan2A-I 

spirit; rather do they seem bent on findins fault P^^ger Signal 
.W. I, i, posabl. to do to. In their <L ftee mT 

speech has desesmted into hcenee, and this at a Rashtkabhasha Adhyapan 
time when a terrible war threatens in the distance Mandir, Wardha 
and a very bad famine is at our doors..., Repres6ION in Jodhpur 

I do not consider it consistent with mv duhr pie „ 

a loyal ally of the British Government, to allo^ a ^""MANDAf’’’" 

M. K. Gandhi 93 
Pyarelal 94 
M. K, Gandhi 96 
M, K. Gandhi 96 
Pyarelal 9S 

S. Agrawal 99 
M. K. Gandhi 100 

M, K. G. 

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VoL. vm. No. 11 1 POONA — SATURDAY, APRIL 27. 1940 [ ONE ANNA 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 


Q. The Muslim public need to be satisfied 
on a very important question. Will the Muslims 
be allowed to cat their national food — beef — ■ 
under a Hindu majority Government? If you 
can satisfy the Muslims on this all-important 
question, a great deal of knots will be solved. 
You should give a straight answer to this 
question in your paper Harijan. 

A. I do not know how this question arises. 
For whilst Qingressmen were in office they are 
not known to have interfered with the practice 
of beef-eating by Muslims. The question is also 
badly conceived. There is no such thing as a 
Hindu majority Government. If a free India is 
to live at peace with herself, religious divisions 
must entirely give place to political divisions 
based on considerations other than religious. Even 
as it is, though unfortunately religious difiierences 
loom large, most parties contain members drawn 
from all sects. It is moreover not true to say 
that beef is the national food of Muslims. In 
the first place the Muslims of India are not as 
yet a separate nation. In the second, beef is not 
their ordinary food. Their ordinary food is the 
same as that of the millions. What is true is 
that there are very few Muslims who are vegeta- 
rians froni a religious motive. Therefore they will 
t&e meat, including beef, when they can get 
it. But during the greater part of the year 
millions of Muslims, owing to poverty, go with- 
out meat of any kind. These are facts. But the 
theoretical question demands a clear answer. 
As a Hindu, a confirmed vegetarian, and a 
worshipper of the cow whom I regard with the 
same veneration as I regard my mother ( alas 
no more on this earth ). I maintain that Mus- 
. lims should have full freedom to slaughter cows, 
if they wish, subject of course to hygienic 
restrictions and in a manner not to wound 
the susceptibilities of their Hindu neighbours. 
Fullest recognition of freedom to the Muslims 
to slaughter cows is indispensable for communal 
harmony, and is the only way of saving the 
cow. In 1921 thousands of cows were saved by 
the sole and willing effort of Muslims themselves. 
In spite of the black clouds hanging over our 
heads, I refuse to give up the hope that they 
will disperse and that we- shall have communal 
peace in this unhappy land. If I am asked for 
proof, I must answer that my hope is based on 

faith and faith demands no proof. 

Death Sentence 

Q. Do you consider death sentence to be 
against your principle of ahimsa ? If so, what 
form of punishment would you advocate as a 
substitute in a free India ? 

A. I do regard death sentence as contrary to 
ahimsa. Only He takes life who gives it. All 
p unishm ent is repugnant to ahimsa. Under a 
State governed according to the principles of 
ahimsa, th&efore, a murderer would be sent to 
a penitentiaty and there given every chance of 
reforming himself. All crime is a kind of disease 
and should be treated as such. 

God's Will 

Q. How can an ordinary man distinguish 
between God’s will and his own will ? 

A. By not regarding anything as God’s will 
unless he has positive proof to the contrary. 
Not every person can know God’s will. Proper 
training is necessary to. attain the power to 
know God’s will. 

An Offence against Congress 

Q. Some of the Congress committees here in 
Adampur Doaba during the last Independence 
Day celebrations got prepared national flags of 
uncertified khadi, and some of them got badge 
flags prepared from paper. They sold these to 
raise funds. When questioned they pleaded that 
they wanted funds for the Congress and could 
not afford to sell badge flags made out of khadi 
for one pice each and still retain something for 
themselves. At some places I even found 
national flags hoisted which were of mill cloth 
and even without the spinning wheel. I per- 
sonally feel that the spinning wheel and khadi 
are the very soul of our flag ; and a national 
flag which is printed on uncertified khadi and 
without the spinning wheel mark on it, or a 
paper flag cannot be called a national flag. 

A. Your objection is sound. The Congress 
committees who used as national flags paper flags 
or those which were made of mill cloth or 
uncertified khadi or without the charkha, com- 
mitted an offence against the Congress. They 
betrayed little regard for the flag. Any rag 
cannot be used as a flag. It has to conform to 
the prescribed pattern. If we do not respect 
our own flag, we have no right to expect 
others to do so. You have made out a case 
for the central office having a stock of flags 
of a variety of sizes. Nobody should be permit- 
ted to use unauthorised flags as national flags. 

Sevagram, 22-4-40 


HARIJAN I April 27, 1940 



In the race for mechanisation going on in the 
West, America would easily stand first — not only 
in the mechanisation of industrial production 
in which every big country is a competitor, but 
of agriculture also, wherein natural conditions 
and existence of large prairies have given her 
a decisive advantage over the Old World. “The 
farm tractor, the mechanical reaper-binder, and 
the other power-driven instruments of modern 
large-scale agriculture became the characteristic 
tools of the prairie farmer," and “over the past 
century the revolution in agriculture has fallen 
no whit short of the revolution in industry." 
(Cole) The capacity for mass production, both in 
industry and agriculture — in America as elsewhere 
in the West — has increased to such an extent 
that “if we consider only the mechanical resources 
required, our contemporary world has the elec- 
tric power, the engines and the skill, to ensure, 
if not at once to its entire population, then at 
least to the peoples of Europe and North 
America, an adequate and varied diet, sufficient 
clothing, houses that satisfy civilised needs, and 
with all this to meet the cravings of their 
minds for hooks and music and visible beauty. The 
machine has made poverty an anachronism. ” * 
But do facts support these optimistic statements ? 
The apparition of poverty still stalks the land, 
and the world is faced with the paradox of 
large masses of men submerged in poverty in 
the midst of plenty both of agricultural and 
industrial goods. “ The dwindling of the 
national income, the slowing down of the 
whole apparatus of production, the shrinkage 
of international trade, the waste and misery 
of mass-unemployment,” are stark realities, and 
have led serious men in the West to 
ask “ whether even in the Great War we 
experienced a completer defeat of civilisation."® 
While millions of men have not enough to feed 
and clothe themselves, engines are kept idle 
and wheat and cotton crops are burnt. “The 
Brazilian Government,” says an English economist, 
^‘throws into the Atlantic each season by the 
million the bags of coffee that would make 
breakfast for innumerable brick-layers. During 
half a day last winter I journeyed in California 
through apple orchards that stretched as far as 
the eye could teach. The trees in every third 
or fourth row had been ruthlessly lopped 
to the graft, to check the embarrassing bounty 
of nature for several years to come. There 
vanished our builders' dessert.”® Articles of 
food and raiment and luxuries are produced in 
gigantic piles, but who is to consume them ? 
The will and the need for consumption among 
men ate there, but they lack the wherewithal 
to buy the things. Then there is a slump, 
production has to slow down, and the economic 
structure gets a rude shaking from the effects 

of which it takes a long time to recover. 
“ There has arisen an apparent deficiency of 
consuming power in relation to the capacity of 
the productive system ; and the world’s most 
pressing problem has come to be, not a further 
increase of the power to produce, but the 
devising of means for the full use of the 
productive resources already at hand. ” There 
must be ‘ something radically wrong with an 
economic order which piles up means of rapid 
and gigantic production, then stints the fruits 
thereof to men most in need of them, and is 
ultimately reduced to a state in which not only 
the engines of production are perforce to be 
kept idle but their valuable products destroyed. 
Discerning men have even gone to the length 
of saying that “ in our society a merciful man 
who had perfected a beneficent labour-saving 
invention might well conceal it. " This is then 
the grim dilemma facing the present-day world. 

Economists in the West have been sharply 
at variance in diagnosing the disease and 
suggesting remedies. There are a few among 
them who, though not sworn enemies of 
mechanisation, have been witnessing the tragic 
results it has led to, have been disillusioned, and 
have begun to doubt seriously its once trumpeted 
benefits. For instance, says one of them; 

“or wlaat use is it that scientists should devise 
means of making human labour more productive, if 
the result is to be that the increase of productive 
power becomes a positive cause of unemployment 
and distress? Of what use is it to devise machines 
for the lightening of labour, if lliese machines will 
only throw more and more people out of work and 
income? And what are we to say of a world in 
which the farmer, when b: sows his crop, has to 
pray for a bad harvest in order to rescue him from 
his financial difficulties? We live in an odd world 
and no mistake.”* 

Says another : 

“Machinery, then, has not brought mathematics 
into our daily life, or rather it has brought numbers 
and order into one side of it, into our productive 
activities, and even there they are the sovereigns 
of petty kingdoms, for each of the many units of 
production is isolated within its own walls. The 
other side of our daily life, distribution, we abandon 
to chance, and the pulls of unequal forces. The 
result is that the machine has brought its curses 
in full measure; its blessings it stints. It has torn 
whole populations from the relative humanity of 
village life, it has blasted our landscapes, withered our 
trees and poisoned our streams; it has abolished the 
craftsman’s pride in his creative skill; it has doomed 
the majority of its servants to a life of deadening 
monotony and strain. But for lack of an ordered 
market, we enjoy neither the security which its 
regular motions promise, nor the leisure and abun- 
dance latent in its infinite capacity of reproduction.”® 

A sombre picture this — which should suffice 
to disturb the naivete of those of us who cling 

1. H. N. Brailsford : Property or Peace, p. 12. 

2. Ibid, p. 15. 3. Ibid, p. 11. 

4. G. D. H. Cole : World Chaos, p. 65 
5 H. N. Brailsford: Op Cit, p. 92-3. 

APEIL 27, 1940 ] 



with a childlike faith to mechanisation and large 
scale industrialisation. And things are not likely 
to change much so long as the economic world 
order remains substantially what it is today. 


There may be differences of opinion among 
economists about the diagnosis and remedies of 
the economic ill-health from which the world 
is suffenng, but there is no gainsaying the fact 
that mechanisation leads directly to displace- 
ment of human labour and unemployment. 
“Its first effect,” says J. A. Hobson, “ as shown 
by statistics, is to save ‘ labour ’ — that is, to 
create more unemployment. ” Once large scale 
mechanisation is introduced and the wheels of 
high speed machinery set going, there can be 
no halfway house or halting till human labour 
is utterly done away with and lifeless robots 
take its place. This is the logical and inevi- 
table culmination of the process which has 
come to be known as ‘rationalisation’. “Modern 
machinery not only dispenses more and more 
with the need for either physical strength or 
manual skill, but also goes further towards 
the positive displacement of labour.... In the 
latest development of industrialism the emphasis 
has been more and more upon this absolute 
displacement of labour.... In these circumstances 
the obvious way of lowering costs is to get rid 
of labour altogether, or to use far less of it, 
and especially in America and Germany this 
form of rationalisation has been pushed of late 
to astonishing lengths.... The displacement of 
labour through mechanisation has been going on 
faster than ever.... The chief means of reducing 
costs nowadays is the absolute displacement of 
human labour.”® C. S. 

( To be continued ) 



The Imperial Game and States 

The policy has undergone several gradations 
at different periods of its history. But the one 
primary consideration that runs like a connect- 
ing thread through them all, as I shall presently 
show, has been about strengthening and perpe- 
tuation of the Imperial hold on India. The three 
distinct phases through which it has passed 
have been described as those of ‘Ring Fence’, 

• Subordinate Isolation’, and ‘ Subordinate Union’. 
From the point of view of the States these 
may more fitly be characterized as those of 

* Britain’s security’, ‘ Ascendency’, and ‘Empire’. 

“ Safety First ” 

During the first phase (1765-98) the guiding 
consideration was the safety and permanence of 
Britain’s position in India. The Company was 
as yet struggling for bare existence. It was 
surrounded on all sides by powerful rivals and 
adversaries. It therefore naturally looked out 
for friends and helpers among local potentates. 
Its policy towards them had to be one of 
*' fraternizing, ingratiation and reciprocity”. Clive 

( 1758-67 ) “ sought the substance of territorial 
power under the fiction of a grant from the 
Mughal Emperor. Warren Hastings ( 1772-85 ), 
“ like other British administrators of his time, 
started with a conviction of the expediency of 
ruling with the aid of the Native Power. ”® 
Both Cornwallis ( 1786-93 ) and Sir John 
Shore, who brought this period to a close, 
were advocates of the policy of “non-interven- 
tion”. The idea was to create an insulating belt 
of friendly powers and, so far as possible, to 
remain within a “ ring fence ” of powers thus 
won over. There was a general dread of entangle- 
ments.* And so we find in 1784 an Act of 
Parliament declare that to pursue schemes of 
conquest and extension of dominion in India are 
measures repugnant to the wish, honour and 
policy of this nation.” The prohibitory injunc- 
tion was repeated in the Charter Act of 1793. 
The treaties concluded in this period are based 
on the principle of non-intervention and abound 
in such expressions as ‘ mutual amity’, ‘ friendly 
■co-operation’, ‘reciprocal obligation’, ‘ perpetual 
friendship ’, ‘ firm alliance, etc. * 

Power above All 

It was, however, soon felt that unless the 
Company could draw the neutral Princes beyond 
the ° ring fence ’ to itself and reduce them to 
subservience by diplomatic negotiation, its ad- 
versaries might do so and the security, afforded 
by the ‘ ring fence ’ might be jeopardized. With- 
out ascendency there was no security. Domina- 
tion thus became the key-note of the second 
phase of its policy ( 1798-1858). Lord Wellesley, 
who saw this, determined to establish the 
ascendency of the British Power over all other 
Stated in India by a system of subsidiary 
treaties “ so framed as to deprive them of the 
means of prosecuting ' any measure or of forming 
any confederacy hazardous to the security of the 
British Empire, and to enable us to preserve 
the tranquillity of India by exercising a general 
control over the restless spirit of ambition and 
violence which is characteristic of every Asiatic 
Government. ” ® 

Lord Wellesley’s policy was carried a step 
further by Lord Hastings ( Earl of Moira ) (1814- 
23 ). He intensified and systematised the practice 
introduced by Lord Wellesley.® “ Opposed as he 
certainly was to annexation, he felt that the 
true position of the States in the interior of 
India was one of isolated and subordinate co- 
( Continued on p. 106 ) 

1. Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. II, p. 429. 

2. Ibid, Vol. II, p. 482. 3. Ibid, Vol. II, p. 488. 

4. Ibid, Vol. II. p. 192. 

5. The Udaipur Treaty of 1818 is illustrative of 
this policy. By Article 2 “The British Government 
engages to protect the principality and territory of 
Udaipnr. Article 3 lays down that “the Mahiaja 
will always act in subordinate cooperation with 
the British Government and acknowledge its supre- 
macy and will not have any connexion with other 
chiefs and states.” Article 4, again, prohibits any 
negotiation with other States without the sanction 
of the British Government 

6. Private Journal of Marquis of Hastings ( 1814) 

6 G. D. H. Cole: Op Cit, p. 144-5; 148-9. 



[ April 27, 1940 


The next issue ( to be published on 4th May ) 
will contain 12 and will be priced at / Amxa 

6 Pies per copy. Agents will please notify changes 
in their requirements, if any, by Thursday next. 



( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

The Working Committee advisedly passed no 
startling or new resolution this time. For there 
was no programme before them. That of civil 
disobedience has to be evolved by me. But the 
Committee had useful discussions on many points 
arising out of the contemplated movement. 
I propose to give the readers the gist of what 
I told the members of the Committee, with the 
necessary amplification. 

Civil disobedience in the face of the lawless- 
ness that prevails in the country will easily pass 
for the same unless it is beyond doubt recognised 
as something different in kind from the prevailing 
brand. Thus the Khaksar defiance is admittedly 
and openly violent. The kisans who held up the 
train between Gaya and Kiul were violent 
under cover of non-violence. They were doubly 
guilty according to the non-violent conception. 
For they are supposed to be Congressmen. 
To hold .up a train is disobedience with- 
out doubt. And so far as the Congress is 
concerned, according to the Ramgarh resolution 
Congressmen may not resort to civil disobedience 
singly or in groups without my permission. I 
have already said that Prof: Ranga’s disobedience 
was also not civil. His friends have asked me 
to withdraw my criticism. I claim to be a 
special friend of his. We became friends pro- 
bably before the protesters knew him. And it 
is because he is such a close friend that 1 
condemned his action without mincing words. 
I am sure he will not misunderstand me. In 
any event when a man of his learning chooses 
deliberately to commit an act of indiscipline 
it must come to me as a warning against 
any hasty action. 

Now civil disobedience, if it is really civil, 
must appear so even to the opponent. He must 
feel that the resistance is not intended to do 
him any harm. At the present moment the 
average Englishman thinks that non-violence is 
merely a cloak. The Muslim Leaguers think 
that civil disobedience is aimed at them more 
than at the British. I protest with all the 
strength at my command that, so far as I am 
concerned, I have no desire whatsoever to 
embarrass the British, especially at a time when 
it is a question of life and death with them. 
All I want the Congress to do through civil 
disobedience is to deny the British Government 

the moral influence which the Congress co- 
operation would give. The material resources of 
India and her man power are already being 
exploited by the British Government by reason 
of their control of the whole of this sub- 

If by civil disobedience the Congress has no 
desire to embarrass the British people, it has 
still less to embarrass the Muslim League. And 
I can say this on behalf of the Congress 
with far greater assurance than I can with 
regard to the British. Working in the midst of 
suspicion and terrible misrepresentation on the 
one band and the prevailing lawlessness outside 
and inside the Congress on the other, I have 
to think a thousand times before embarking 
on civil disobedience. 

So far as 1 can see at present mass civil 
disobedience is most unlikely. The choice lies 
between individual civil disobedience on a large 
scale, very restricted, or confined only to me. 
In every case there must be the backing of the 
whole of the official Congress organisation and 
the millions who, though not on the Congress 
register, have always supported the organisation 
with their mute but most effective co-operation. 

I have repeatedly shown in these columns 
that the most effective and visible co-operation 
which all Congressmen and the mute millions 
can show is by not interfering with the course 
civil disobedience may take and by themselves 
spinning and using khadi to the exclusion of all 
other cloth. If it is allowed that there is a 
meaning in people wearing primroses on Prim- 
rose Day, surely there is much more in a 
people using a particular kind of cloth and 
giving a particular kind of labour to the cause 
they hold dear. From their compliance with the 
khadi test I shall infer that they have shed 
untouchability, and that they have nothing but 
brotherly feeling towards all without distinction 
of race, colour or creed. Those who will do 
this are as much satyagrahis as those who will 
be singled out for civil disobedience. 

Sevagram, 23-4-40 

Committee for Preliminary Agreement ? 

The following wire from London was received 
by Gandhiji on 22-4-40: 

“London. Grateful to receive an exposition of 
your attitude to proposal that committee of 
Indian leaders representing all interests should 
try to reach agreement on essential preliminary 
to final constitutional settlement. "-News Chronicle 

He has sent the following reply to it: 

“ Proposal . convening committee leaders reach 
preliminary agreement attractive, provided leaders 
elected, not nominated, according to acceptable 
procedure. This is my personal view. Unconsult- 
ed colleagues. "—Gandhi 


The business hours of our Bombay office will 
hereafter be 8 to 11 A. M. and 3 to 7 P. M. Readers 
will please note the change. Manager 


APEIL 27, 1940 ] 


[ The following interview was given by Gandhiji 
to a representative of The Hew York Times. 

A. K.] 

Q. I have heard it said on behalf of Britain, 
" We cannot say what the new world is going 
to be at the end of the war; the Indian prob- 
lem cannot be isolated from world problems ; 
Dominion Status, Independence, may mean some- 
thing very different then, or nothing at all, if 
Germany should win. Therefore why should not 
India accept Dominion Status under the Statete 
of Westminster now and take her chance and 
■her opportunity at the Peace Conference ? 
Dominion Status under existing circumstances is 
the highest we can offer India. ” You yourself 
have said, “ Of what value is freedom to India 
if Britain and France fail ? ” Can you throw 
some light on these points ? 

A, The legal status of India, whether it is 
Dominion Status or something else, can only 
come after the war. It is not a question at 
present to decide whether India should be 
satisfied with Dominion Status for the time 
being. The only question is what is the British 
policy ? Does Great Britain still hold the view 
that it is her sole right to determine the status 
of India or whether it is the sole right of TnHia 
to make that determination ? E that question had 
not been raised, there would have been no dis- 
cussion such as we are facing today. The ques- 
tion having been raised — and it was India’s tight 
to raise it — I was bound to throw in my weight, 
such as it is, with the Congress. Nevertheless 
I can still repeat the question I put to myself 
immediately after the first interview with the 
Viceroy : “ Of what value is freedom to India if 
Britain and France fail ?” If these powers fail, 
the history of Europe and the history of the 
world will be written in a manner no one can 
foresee. Therefore my question has its own 
independent value. The relevant point, however, 
is that by doing justice to India Britain might 
ensure victory of the Allies because their cause 
will then be acclaimed as righteous by the 
enlightened opinion of the world. 

Q. Have you any views about world federa- 
tion ( Strait’s scheme of 15 white democracies 
with India excluded at present ) or about 
a federation of Europe with the British Com- 
monwealth and again excluding India ? Would 
you advise India to enter such a larger federa- 
tion so as to prevent a domination of the 
coloured races by the white ? 

A. Of course I would welcome a world 
federation of all the nations of the world. A 
federation of the Western nations only will be 
an unholy combination and a menace to huma- 
nity. In my opinion a federation excluding 
India is now an impossibility. India has already 

passed the stage when she could be safely 

Q. You have seen in your lifetime more 
devastation by war than there has been at any 


time in the world’s history. And yet do you 
still believe in non-violence as the basis of a 
new civilization? Are you satisfied that your 
own countrymen accept it without reservation ? 
You continue to harp on your conditions being 
fulfilled before starting civil disobedience. Do 
you still hold to them ? 

A. You arc right in pointing out that there 
is unheard-of devastation going on in the world. 
But that is the real moment for testing my 
faith in non-violence. Surprising as it may 
appear to my critics, my faith in non-violence 
remains absolutely undimmed. Of course non- 
violence may not come in my lifetime in the 
measure I would like to see it come, but that 
is a different matter. It camnot shake my faith, 
and that is why I have become unbending so 
far as the fulfilment of my conditions prior to 
the starting of civil disobedience is concerned; 
because, at the risk of being the laughing-stock 
of the whole world, I adhere to my belief that 
there is an unbreakable connection between the 
spinning wheel and non-violence so far as India 
is concerned. Just as there are signs by which 
you can recognise violence with the naked eye, 
so is the spinning wheel to me a decisive sign 
of non-violence. But nothing can deter me from 
working away in hope. I have no other method 
for solving the many baffling problems that 
face India. 

/' / / ■ 

Q.' You want a declaration that ' henceforth 

India 'shall govern . herseE according /to her' own- 
wilE You/also, say,-^ “It^is possible- Tor/the best- 
Englishmen and 'fhe best/ Indians tO'^meet'4ogrther 
and/never'^O'' separate ^ill/'they hav^/evolvM a/ 
formula/'acceptable to' both/”' The/ British''^ say/^ 
“■ We are' vitally -interested in'' defence^^our 'com- 
mercial/interests/ and , the-" Indian States;!! Are 
you 'willing to-' allow your- best Englishmen /and 
your, best'Tndi^s to'^en;ter- Ipto a ' treaty 
regard'^ to these^atters ."'^in a/ spirit 
accommodation ’/■''t^^he-'' language/ of the'^ Anglo/ 
Egyptian''^ treaty of^l922.'')C' - . 

/ / ^ 

A;'lf^the bes^Englishmen^and the best Indians-' 
meet /together with ^ a 'Sxed/ determination/hot to- 
separate until they/ have/ reached , an''' agreement/^ 
the '^ay "will have beenf opened 'for the/ sum- 
monmg of ''the/ Constituent ^ AssembN ' ' of ^ my 
conception/ Of , course this comTOat'e''bom:d''will 
have to-'^bc of^one' m^d as toAhe'^ goalJ^ that" 
is/put theAnelting' pot,, there will ^m^hing 
but/^interrmnable'' wrangjiiig. /Therefore .^eljEneter/ 
mination/must ba'tha common'’ cause ^with this 
composite board! 

Q. Supposing India does become free in your 
lifetime, what will you devote the rest of your 
years to ? 

A. E India becomes free in my lEetime and 
I have still energy left in me, of course I 
would take my due share, though outside the 
official world, in building up the nation on a 
strictly non-violent basis. 

Sevagram, 22-4-40 



[ April 27, 1940 


( Continued Jrom p> 103 ) 

operation,” The motive behind this policy was 
twofold : ( 1 ) combinations should be made 
impossible among the Princes ; ( 2 ) they should 
be rendered incapable of even independent self- 
defence. Peace and protection were offered to 
those who engaged to live “secluded and innocent”. 
The idea was to so weaken and demoralise them 
that they should cease to be a menace to British 
Power, Residents were sent to the various courts. 
Instead of acting in the character of ambassadors 
they assumed the functions of dictators, interfered 
in all their private concerns, countenanced 
refractory subjects against them, and made “ the 
most ostentatious eshibition of their exercise of 
authority’*. Not that -there was felt any real 
concern for the States subjects. On the contrary. 
Lord Hastings deprecated intervention as a 
breach of faith ” and ridiculed solicitude on 
the part of the British for the subjects of a 
“ Native State *’ as “ quixotic ”. The Princes were 
in outward form at least to be absolute masters 
of all within their territories, unquestioned and 
undisturbed, but only ivithin. 

Fishing for Excuses 

This policy of “ subordinate isolation cum 
non-intervention” had, however, some unexpected 
repercussions. As early as 1805 Lord Cornwallis, 
during his second term of oflSce, had ruefully 
noted that “the States which were most inti- 
mately connected* with us were reduced to the 
most forlorn condition, that these powers pos- 
sessed no funds or troops on which they could 
depend, that anarchy and disaffection prevailed 
universally throughout the dominions.” Before 
long, predatory gangs overran the face of the 
whole country and threatened the peace of the 
Company’s territories. In short, the neighbour- 
hood of British India became both unsafe and 

As the external menace disappeared “allies” 
were no longer needed who were more a liability 
than an asset, and the policy ot .non-intervention 
was given up in favour of that of active interven- 
tion and annexation. Lord Dalhousie laid down 
the dictum that “the British Government is bound 
not to put aside or neglect such rightful oppor- 
tunities of acquiring territory or revenue as may 
from time to time present themselves.” And since 
some colourable excuse was necessary to justify 
such a course, the British administrators, from 
regarding solicitude for the subjects of the 
“Native States” as “quixotic”, began now to 
appear in the role of disinterested humanitarians 
and “ champions of the oppressed states subjects”. 
The patronage was transferred form the Princes 
to their people; Lord William Bentinck’s 
annexations were nearly all “ punishments for 
misrule ”. Hardinge talked of the “ stigma of 
tolerating oppression, which the British Govern- 
ment cannot submit to.” Lord Dalhousie regard- 
ed his annexations as simply “assignments made 
to the Company by Providence itself in its 

denial of natural heirs to vacant thrones.” But 
they were also a means of “ insuring to the 
population of the State a perpetuity of just 
and mild Government ! ” 

Consolidating Gains 

The rising of 1857 marked the beginning of 
the third phase. The Crown of England had 
emerged from the maelstrom as the unquestioned 
ruler and Paramount Power, The question was 
now to consolidate the foundations of its autho- 
rity. This called for a reversal of the annexa- 
tionist policy of Lord Dalhousie. It has been 
objected that, if the policy of perpetuating the 
States’ rule by the grant of “ adoption sanads ’ 
was accepted, it would cut off “ further oppor- 
tunities of accession of territory”. To this Lord 
Canning’s reply was : 

“ I regard this not as an objection but as a 
recommend^Ltion. Our first care should be to 
strengthen that rule within its present limits, and 
secure for our general supremacy the contented 
acquiescence and respect of all who are subjected to it; 
the supremacy will never be heartily accepted and 
respected so long as we leave ourselves open to the 
doubts which are now felt, and which our uncertain 
policy has justified, as to our ultimate intentions 
towards Native States. We shall not become stronger 
so long as we continue adding to our territory 
without adding to our European force; and the addi- 
tions to that force which we already require are 
probably as large as England can conveniently 
furnish, and they will certainly cost as much as 
India can conveniently pay, As to Civil Government, 
our English officers are too few for the work they 
have in their hands, and our financial means are not 
yet equal to the demands upon us.” 

As “Breakwaters’ to Storm 

“ The safety of our rule,’* he argued, “ is increased, 
not diminished, by the maintenance of native chiefs 
well affected to us-” He recalled how during the 
troublous and anxious days of 1857-58 “these patches 
of native governnoent served as breakwaters to the 
storm which would otherwise have swept over us 
in one great wave.” “ And in quiet times they 
have their uses. Restless men who will accept no 
profession but arms, crafty intriguers bred up in 
native courts, and others who would chafe at our 
stricter and more formal rule, live there contentedly; 
and should the day come when India shall be 
threatened by an external enemy, or when the in- 
terests of England elsewhere may require that her 
eastern Empire shall incur more than ordinary risk, 
one of our best mainstays will be found in these 
native states. But to make them so, we must 
treat their chiefs and their leading families with 
consideration and generosity, teaching them that, 
in spite of all suspicions to the contrary, their inde- 
pendence is safe, that we are not wailing for 
plausible opportunities to convert their territory into 
British territoty, and convincing them that, they have 
nothing to gain by helping to displace us in favour of 
any new rulers from within or without- 

“ It was long ago said by Sir John Malcolm that, 
if we made all India into Zillahs ( or British 
distriots )y it was not in the nature of things that 
our empire should last fifty years, but that, if we 
could keep up a number of native states, without 
political power, but as royal instruments, we should 
exist in India so long as our naval superiority in 
Europe was maintained.” ( Italics mine ) 

(To he continued ) 

Sevagram, 8-4-40 


April 27, 1940 ] 




The January issue of The Asiatic Review that 
has just come to hand contains the text of a 
paper read by Sir Alfred Watson at a meeting 
of the East India Association and a summary 
of the discussion that followed. Among those 
who participated in it were Sir Michael 
O’Dwyer; Mr. F, G. Pratt and Lord Lamington. 
“ What has shocked us in this country, ” remark- 
ed Sir Alfred, quoting Lord Salisbury’s words 
in the House of Lords, “ is that these Indian 
leaders have thought fit to use the international 
situation in order to promote a further step 
towards self-government. ” Sir Alfred proceeded 
to say that, though his own nerves were not 
so susceptible as Lord Salisbury’s, he recognised 
that the latter did represent a point of view, 
and that “ it was a grave misfortune to the 
Indian cause that those holding his ( Lord 
Salisbury’s ) view should have been strength- 
ened in their opposition to Indian aspirations 
by Congress action.” The accusation has since 
been repeated in other quarters too. 

The elasticity of the British conscience is 
proverbial. It has shown itself to be fairly 
tough and shock-proof when Britain really 
meant business. Mr. F. G. Pratt, who as an 
ex-Indian administrator knows both India and 
England well, was not slow to call attention to 
the fact. He reminded Sir Alfred and the house 
that it was in the middle of the Great War 
that the Dominion ministers at the Imperial Con- 
ference of April 16, 1917, had insisted upon “the 
full recognition of the Dominions as autonomous 
units of an Imperial Commonwealth, and of 
India as an important part of the same, and 
also on recognition of the right of the Domi- 
nions and of India to an adequate voice in 
foreign relations.” It did not shock British 
conscience then. Nobody thought of accusing 
the Dominions of “ political bargaining 

The chief contention of the Dominions, it will 
be remembered, was, as voiced by Sir Robert 
Borden, in moving his resolution was that the 
theory of trusteeship, on which the inter- 
imperial relations in regard to the question of 
foreign policy, foreign relations and common 
defence of the Empire were based, “ was certa in 
to prove not only entirely inadequate to the 
needs of the Empire' but incompatible with the 
..aspirations of the people of the Dominions in 
the future,’’ and that “it could not continue 
indefinitely in the future, whatever] might be 
said of it in the past.” Mr. Massey remarked that, 
if the different parts of the Empfre were to be 
kept together, the bonds to hold them wou Id 
need to be, “while stronger than steel, as light 
as silk that will not chafe and not seriously 
inconvenience British citizens in any part of the 
Empire. " The readjustment of the constitutional 
relations of the component parts, further, was 
not to be made contingent upon certain things 
happening in, or certain conditions being satisfi ed 
by, the Dominions concerned, as is sought to be 

done in the case of India today, but were to 
be taken up “as soon as possible after the 
termination of hostilities. ” Most significant was 
the note struck by General Smuts who observed, 
“ If we have no other resolution at this confer- 
ence than this one, I am sure that we will 
have done a good day’s work for this Empire.” 

The resolution, far from proving a “stumbling 
block ” to the recognition of their claim, paved 
the way for the Statute of Westminster. From 
the operation of that Statute India was, how- 
ever, excluded, India has, therefore, a perfect 
right to demand that before she is called upon 
to defend the principle of self-determination in 
Europe it shall be applied in full to her case 
by Britain, as a test of her sincerity. To call 
this “cold calculation” and “exacting the high- 
est price before striking a blow ”, as some of 
the Imperial spokesmen at the East India Asso- 
ciation did, is surely gross perversion of langu- 
age which only changed times and the changed 
scene could make possible 

Sevagram, 22-4-40 Pyarelal 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

Shri Vithaldas Jerajani sends me the following 
from Shri Shantikumar of the Scindia House: 

“During the National Week every effort will be 
made to sell khadi by hawking from place to place. 
Then why not approach the big offices and get them 
to agree to buy khadi for peons’ dresses ? The peons 
dresses are always provided by the Companies. Last 
year the Scindia Company provided khadi uniforms for 
the peons, and this year also we are going to have 
the same. I have already sent circulars to the 
Branches of the Company to use khadi for the 
uniforms of peons there. I am trying to push khadi 
uniforms in other Associated Companies of the 
Scindia Company. 

1 am also trying to push the use of handmade 
paper in the office cf the Scindia Company. I have 
been successful to some extent in this case but not 
to my satisfaction. I am making every effort to 
increase the use of handmade paper.” 

I have no hesitation in whole-heartedly endors- 
ing tbe suggestion made by Shri Shantikumar. 
I would go a step further. In order that the 
peons who have willynilly to wear uniforms 
provided for them may not feel any inferiority, 
the big office staff should set the example by 
themselves voluntarily using khadi for their 
garments. Khadi is one of the greatest levellers. 
The peons should be able to take pride in their 
uniforms. This they will only do when they 
know that their employers use the same material 
as that of which their uniforms are made. The 
greater the approach on the part of employers 
to their employees, the greater the possibility 
of a peaceful solution of the difficult problem of 
class conflict. I therefore hope that Shri Shand- 
kumar’s effort will be appreciated by the other 
employers. Indeed the idea should be taken up 
by all public institutions such as hospitals 
students' hostels, etc. 



[ Apeil 27, 1940 

The use of handmade paper is a less difficult 
problem. For good handmade paper is any day 
more artistic than and superior to the ordinary 
mill paper, and there is not the same difference 
in the prices of the two varieties as in th^ 
case of khadi and mill-made cloth. The big 
houses owe it to the millions to use as many 
handmade articles as is possible for them to do. 

Sevagramo 22-4-40 


who are as patriotic as any Congressmen, 

2 A nationalist Zamindar will try to live like 
a non-Zamindar, He will regard his tenants as 
his co-proprietors; in other words, he will hold 
his Zamindari in trust for his tenants taking a 
moderate commission for the use of his labours 
and capital. A nationalist non-Zamindar will not 
regard the Zamindar as his natural enemy but 
will seek redress of his wrongs by the process 
of conversion, I have shown before now that 
this is not a long drawn out agony. 

( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

A first class Deccan Sardar propounds the 
following conundrums : 

“You say, on page 442 lines 4-6 of Harijan of 
10th February, that you put Europeans on the same 
footing as big Zamindars and capitalists. T presume 
that you include in the general word ‘Zamindars’ 
Inamdars, Talukdars and big Landholders. 

1. Will you be pleased to say whether you 
remember and realise the fact that Europeans are 
foreigners and their earnings and profits go out of 
the country to enrich other nations and make them 
more powerful instruments to exploit India; while 
Zamindars and Inamdars, particularly of Maha- 
rashtra, are Indians, who have patriotic blood running 
in their veins, and who will lay their bones in India, 
and all their earnings and savings, and even their 
extravagance will remain in this country and enrich 
the country ? Many of these people have national 
interests fully at heart and are always prepared to 
help the national development. 

2. What are the differences between a nationa- 
list Zamindar and a nationalist non-Zamindar, in 
your opinion ? 

3. What exact position do you assign to Zamin- 
dars and Inamdars, and the capitalists in a free 
and Independent India ? Will these classes be allowed 
to fully play their proper and active part in national 
development ? Can these two classes expect justice 
and fair play in an Independent India ? 

4. Have the Zamindars and Inamdars and capi- 
talists any place in the present Congress, consistent 
with their limitations and commitments ? ” 

Answer : 

1, I make no difference between Europeans 
and Indians, if the former conform to the laws 
of Free India. I cannot, consistently with my 
views on non-violence. Under my scheme, 
European settlers will not be allowed to exploit 
the country as most of them are doing today. 
Patriots will have had their reward in the shape 
of freedom of their country. They are no patriots 
who arc working with selfish personal ends in 
view. If we create a State based on pure justice, 
real equality and genuine brotherhood, Europeans 
will cease to be foreigners. They will take 
pride in pooling their talents for the sole good 
of the country of their adoption. 

I gladly acknowledge the fact that there are 
many Inamdars, Zamindars and other capitalists 

3. This is answered in the foregoing. Anta- 
gonism between the classes will be removed. I 
do not envisage a dead and artificial level, 
among the people. There will be a variety among 
them as there is among the leaves of a tree. 
There will certainly be no have-nots, no un- 
employment, and no disparity between classes 
and masses such as we see today. I have no 
doubt whatsoever that, if non-violence in its full 
measure becomes the policy of the State, we 
shall reach essential equality without strife. 

4. All who subscribe to the simple creed 
of the Congress can join it. As a matter of 
fact there are many monied members of the 
Congress. To quote only one instance, Jamna- 
lalji is a capitalist and he is a member of the 
Working Committee. 

Sevagram, 22-4-40 

Home and Village Docte 
By SaHsh Chandra Dasgtipla 

1384 pages. 18 chapters. Copious Index of 32 pages. 
219 illustrations. Price Rs. 5 cloth-bound; By V. P. 
P- Rs. 6. Published by Kjiadi Pratisthan, 1 5 College 
Square, Calcutta. Available at (1) Harijan office — 
Poona 4; (2) Harijan office — 81 Queens Road,, 
opp. Marine Lines Station, Bombay 2. “ Every village 
worker knowing English will make it a point to 
possess a copy,*’ says Gandhiji. Several eminent 
doctors have spoken highly of the book. "The book",, 
says the author, "has behind it the experience of over 
ten thousand cases treated in the various institutions 
connected with the Khadi Pratisthan for the past 
seven years, according to the lines indicated. *’ 


Question Box ... M. K. Gandhi 101 

In the Wake of 

Mechanisation I-II ... C. S. 102 

Princely Extravaganza IJ ... Pyarelal 103" 

Civil Disobedience ... M. K. Gandhi 104 

An Important Interview ... A. K. 105 

Then and Now .... Pyarelal 10/ 

About Zamindars ... M. K. Gandhi 10> 


Committee for Preliminary 

Agreement ? M. K. G. 104 

What Big Employers 

Can Do ... M. K. G. 107 

Printed and Published by Vithal Hari Barve at the Aryabhushan Press. 915/1 Fergnsson College Road, Poona 4 
SabMiriatimi Rain — lULATO : One year, B«. 4, Six montha, Ba. 2-8, FOBSIQH : One year, Ea. 5-8 or, 8 ah, or 2 $. 

Rego No. B 3092 




( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

No Confusion 

Q. There is still a lot of confusion in the 
public mind about the Indian situation. How 
can one remove it ? 

A. Confusion should have been removed as 
soon as the popular ministers resigned. They 
were the chosen representatives of the people. 
They had applied themselves to their work 
with amazing industry and efficiency which 
won the unstinted praise of the Governors. 
They took no rest themselves and allowed none 
to their subordinates. They had set a definite 
programme before themselves which would have 
improved the condition of the masses. It must 
have cost them a lot to give up office. But 
they found to their amazement that Provin- 
cial Autonomy, which Sir Samuel Hoare had 
declared -from the house-tops to be real and 
complete, was reduced to a farce in the twinkling 
of an eye. The popular ministers were to be 
mere registering officers to carry out the will 
of the central executive so far as war measures 
were concerned. In this most vital matter they 
were not consulted formally or informally. So 
the ministers had to resign. This one act of 
theirs was complete in itself. Its importance is 
not felt as it should be because the Congress 
is wedded to non-violence. 

Congress Not Responsible 

Q. Many people believe that the attitude of 
the Congress has precipitated the Muslim 
League resolution about partitioning India. 

A. I do not think so. But if it has, it is a 
distinct gain. It is good that what was in should 
come out. It is easier now to deal with the 
problem. It will solve itself. One distinct gain is 
that nationalist Muslims have become awakened 
to a sense of their duty. 

Muslim Rule = Indian Rule 

Q. Would you prefer Muslim rule to British 
rule ? 

A. The question is badly put. You, being 
British, cannot get out of the babit of thinking 
that India is fit only to be ruled by someone. 
Muslim rule is equivalent to Indian rule. You 
might as well ask me whether I would prefer 
Bengali or Maratha to British rule. Maratha, 
Bengali, Sikh, Dravidian, Parsi, Christian 
(Indian), Muslim — all will be Indian rule. It 
makes no difference to me that some Muslims 
regard themselves as a separate nation. It is 

enough for me that I do not consider them as 
such. They are sons of the soil. Muslims 
considered separately have eight crores of 
unarmed Muslims scattered over India to look 
to. But you have the whole British nation and 
your army of occupation to look to. You 
belong to the ruling race. You are less than one 
hundred thousand in the midst of 350 millions 
over whom you rule. It is a matter of shame 
both for you and us. I need not weigh whose 
is the greater shame. The sooner we get out 
of it the better for both of us. 

You will now understand my answer when I 
say that I would any day prefer Muslim rule 
to British rule. I have no doubt that, if British 
rule which divides us by favouring one or the 
other as it suits the Britishers were withdrawn 
today, Hindus and Muslims would forget their 
quarrels and live like brothers which they are. 
But supposing the worst happened and we had 
a civil war, it would last for a few days or 
months and w>’e would settle down to business. 
In status we are equal. With you, it is 
different. You have disarmed us. Those of us 
who have been trained by you really belong 
to you rather than to us. We are no match, 
for you in military power. You do not know 
how the rule has stunted the nation. 
Immediately British rule is really ended, we 
shall grow as never before, in spite of all 

Why This Partiality? 

Q. Both Prof. Ranga and Shri Jaiprakash 
Narain have been punished under the law. But 
while you were moved by the latter’s sentence 
you have denounced Prof. Ranga, and this in 
spite of the fact that Prof. Range’s offence was,, 
if anything, a technical one, whereas Shri Jai- 
prakash by obstructing the war effort invited 
the penalty of the law upon himself. I agree 
that Prof. Ranga should not have broken the 
law. But then does not your attitude betray 
partiality on your part towards the one and 
antipathy towards the other ? 

A. You are hopelessly wrong. Your admission 
that Prof. Ranga was wrong in breaking the 
order shows that your cause is not just. Prof. 
Ranga is as good a friend to me as Shri 
Jaiprakash. I should have expressed the same 
opinion about the latter’s action if he had 
done what Prof. Ranga did. There is no room 
in public life for partial friendships. Indeed, real 
friendship is in no need of partiality. I have 


HARIJAK I may 4, 194© 

none for Shri Jaiprakash. Nor have I any anti- 
pathy towards Prof. Ranga. I have perhaps less 
diSerences with Prof. Range than with Shri 
Jaiprakash, but that makes no difference to me, 
Shri Jaiprakash committed no breach of an order. 
He delivered a speech which was regarded as 
contrary to law'. In Prof. Range’s case there 
was a deliberate breach of an order served on 
him. The two things are different, I have 
answered your question, because I attach impor- 
tance to the breach. I also want to warn .those 
who accept Congress discipline against such 

A Municipal Chairman s Duty 

Q. My father is the Congress Municipal 
Chairman of a certain place. In a recent bye- 
election for a ward the official Congress candi- 
date was defeated, A local youth organisation 
gave a tea party in honour of the successful 
non-Congress candidate. My father was invited 
and he attended. His view was that once a 
candidate is elected, no matter to what party 
he belongs, as Chairman it was his duty to 
welcome him and get the best of co-operation 
from him in the interests of civic welfare. 
Some people feel that attending a function given 
in honour of an opponent is harmful to the 
party’s cause. 

A. Your father, I am sure, was quite right. 
He would have been wrong, if he had not 
attended the function. An opponent is entitled 
to the same regard for his principles as we 
would expect others to have for ours. Non- 
violence demands that we should seek every 
opportunity to win over opponents. And what 
can be better than that we share their joys and 
sorrows? Moreover your father as Chairman was 
bound to be impartial. It was, therefore, doubly 
his duty to attend the function. 

Sevagram, 30-4-40 

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Application forms for admission and further parti- 
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Sevak Vidyalaya, Maganvadi Wardha, C. P. 

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” Divide and Rule 

And so the policy of “ subordinate union and 
co-operation/’ was launched. ‘®The Prince was 
granted possession and administration but not 
sovereignty, and his possession was made condi- 
tional on his remaining faithful in allegiance and 
subordination to the Crown.” ^ Treaties hereafter 
were no longer concluded on terms of equality. 
Older treaties were not revised or abrogated. 
“Instead, the milder and less provocative device 
of constructive interpretation was relied upon.”* 
Difficulties and apparent contradictions involved 
in this policy were vividly described by Lord 
Elgin who succeeded Lord Canning ( 1862 ); 

“ If you attempt to crush all superiorities, you 
unite the native population in a homogeneous mass 
against you. If you foster pride of rank and 
position, you encourage pretensions which you cannot 
gratify, partly because you dare not abdicate your 
own functions as a Paramount Power and partly 
because you cannot control the arrogance of your 
subjects of the dominant ( sic ) race. Scindia and 
Holkar are faithful to us in proportion as they are 
weak and conscious that they require our aid to 
support them against their own subjects and neigh- 
bours.. ..My own opinion is that Canning never 
intended to let the chiefs get the bits into their 
mouths, or to lose his hold over them. It is true 
that he rode them with a loose rein, but the pace 
was so killing that it took the kick out of them 
and a light hand and silken thread were all that 
was required. His policy of deference to the 
authority of the Native Chiefs was a means to an 
end, the end being the establishment of British Raj 
in India; and when the means and the end came 
into conflict, or seemed likely to do so, the former 
went to the wall. ’ 

A Dutch Auction 

Here wc have an authoritative statement of 
the time-honoured British policy of “ divide and 
rule” propounded with a Machiavellian skill and 
frankness that almost takes away one’s breath. 
Lord Curzon’s insistence on “ efficiency ” and his 
dictatorial manner with the Princes, however, 
introduced a ‘ rift in the lute * at a time when 
“the Government of India was beginning under 
political pressure to contemplate utilizing their 
services to counter revolution”.^ Wrote Lord 
Minto, his successor, to Lord Morley (May 28, 
1906 ) : “ I have been thinking a good deal lately 
of a possible counterpoise to Congress aims. I 
think wc may find a solution in the Council 
of Princes.” 

The latter demanded their price and had to 
be propitiated.^ Lord Minto and his successors, 

1. Keith: A Constitutional History of India^ p. 217. 

2. Ibid, p. 217. 

3. Ibidf p. 218. 

4. Compare the following in support of the claim 
put forward by the Bhavnagar Darbar for the 
withdrawal of the plenary jurisdiction which, it was 
complained, the British authorities had unfairly estab- 

May 4, 1940 ] 


while admitting in theory that “ in guaranteeing 
the internal independence of the States and in 
undertaking their protection against external 
aggression... Imperial Government assumed a cer^ 
tain degree of responsibility for the general 
soundness of their administration and would not 
consent to incur the reproach of being an in- 
direct instrument of misrule,” in practice gave 
them a loose rein. The result was that they 
relapsed into the self-indulgent and unenlightened 
despotism from which Lord Curzon had tried 
to pull them out thereby necessitating a long 
chapter of abdications which came to a head 
in Lord Reading’s regime. Their stock, how- 
ever, again soared • high when it was sought to 
bring them into the Federation, “ not, as the 
Simon Commission intended, as fellow self- 
go vering units... but to make the Centre conser- 
vative and pro-English.’*® But the Paramount 
Power, while it was prepared to go a long way 
to humour them as far as their personal extra- 
vaganza was concerned, unceremoniously turned 
down their demand for release from the burden 
of Paramountcy as the price for entering the 
Federation. And even the Conservative Prime 
Minster, Mr. Chamberlain, found it handy to 
take public notice of that usually forgotten 
entity, the States’ subjects. “ He made it clear 
that he did not suppose that there was anyone 
in the House who thought the Princes were 
the only people to be considered.... He was 
unwilling to allow the House to be driven 
from what it thought proper to enter into a 
Dutch auction for the sport of the Princes.” 
Sir Samuel Hoare too was equally frank. He 
plainly told the Princes that Paramountcy must 
remain paramount. The only way in which 
they could lighten the burden of paramountcy 
for themselves was by exchanging for it. 
in certain spheres, the control of the Federal 
Government, if they so chose. If they had the 
most of Federation, they would be under the 
least of paramountcy. But* having declared its 
unpreparedness to enter into a Dutch auc- 
tion for the sport of the Princes, whom it 
claimed as its vassals, to bring them into the 
Federation, the Paramount power now turns 
round and requires the Congress to do • the same 

lished over the Bhavnagar State Railway: “One 
of the ironies of the thing is that the Princes, who 
have taken a stern line against the spread of sedi- 
tion by agitators from British India, are debarred 
from loyal action. The situation was summed up 
in 1918 by the Maharaja of Bhavnagar: 

“ With the control of the police of my railway 
taken away from me, any agitation walla or mischief- 
monger from Ahmedabad, or any other part of the 
country, can make use of my own railway to travel 
and come up to Bhavnagar station, and knock at 
the very gate of my capital city. He can instigate 
my employers to go on strike, to hamper the 
working of the railway, to misuse the telegraph wires 
and generally to defy authority — and this without 
my being able so much to point a finger at him.” 
( A. P. Nicholson : Scraps of Paper ^ p. 229 ) 

5, Mr. J. Wedgewood before the Joint Select 


in order to negotiate a settlement v^ith them as 
a condition precedent to the fulfilment of its 
declaration with regard to the Indian Independ- 
ence that it has made before the world 1 
A Mockery of Justice 

This is a strange mockery of justice. The 

Crown claims and exercises absolute suzerainty 
over the Princely order. It questions their right 
to introduce reforms in the States without the 
previous consent snd sanction of the Political 
Department. They are Kable to be set aside 
for “ not listening ” to the advice that the 
Crown’s Representative might give them. Yet it 
is the Congress which is today charged with 
failure to settle terms with them. Nationalist 
India would welcome them into partnership 

with itself on a basis of absolute equality pro- 
vided they came as free agents, representing the 
will of their people. It refuses to admit them 

as a wooden horse of Troy within its body 

politic. To describe this attitude as one of 
‘ hostility ’, as the Maharaja Saheb of Bikaner has 
done in his speech, is surely a travesty of true 
facts. The Maharaja Saheb is beating thin air when 
he accuses the Congress of wanting to tear up 
the treaties of the States like so many scraps 
of paper. Nicholson’s Scraps of Paper, surely, 
does not refer to the doings of the Congress. 
Similarly, far from asking for the abolition of 
the States, the Congress has offered the only 
solution which will restore to the States a 
reality and a vitality which, on their own admi- 
ssion, Pax Brittanica has robbed them of, ® and 
give to their rulers, as constitutional monarchs, 
a status of honourable equality in a free India, 

Sevag ram, 8-4-40 Pyarelal 

6. Compare the following from a statement from 
the Chamber of Princes: 

“ Protection ( by the British ) was from the first 
no unmixed blessing to them (Princes) as autocratic 
rulers... -It detracted from the merits of autocracy as 
a system of government. An autocrat justifies his 
despotical rule, if he retains his power by his own 
personality and ability, but not otherwise.... TAe 
* blessing' of external protection removes what is 
perhaps the greatest incentive to able administration,- 
the ruler's fear of his own subjects, if he does not 
give them satisfaction. It is a Greek gift which 
indirectly has done more than anything else to keep 
the Indian Princes and their States from progressing 
at the pace of British India.’* — ( The Crown and the 
Indian States, p- 119-120) (Italics mine) 


In article II of this series in last issue, on 
p. 103, col. 1, para 1, line 1, read ‘gyrations, 

instead of * gradations and on p. 106, col. 2, 
para 2, line 7, read ‘ had ’ instead of ‘ has 
Home and Village Doctor 
By Satish Chandra Dasgupta 

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219 illustrations. Price Rs. 5 cloth-bound; By V. P. 
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Square, Calcutta. Available at (1) Harijan office — 
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[ May 4, 1940 


Now that the Muslim League has gone beyond 
even the expectations of the adepts in the 
policy of ‘ divide and rule Lord Zetland 
describes the pardtion as “ constitutiog some- 
thing not far short of a counsel of despair ”, 
and says that its acceptance would be “ an 
admission of failure of tbc devoted labours of 
Indians and Englishmen alike over a long period 
of concentrated effort.” If by “ the devoted 
labours of Indians and Englishmen ” he means 
the labours of Indians who built up the Indian 
National Congress through mere than fifty years, 
and of Englishmen like Mr. A. O. Hume, Sir 
William Wedderburo, and the last but by no 
means the least of them Deenabandhu C. F. 
Andrews, his words are absolutely true. Partition 
would not only be an admission of failure ” of 
those devoted labours, but it would be wanton 
destruction of the edifice of unity they have 
patiently wrought to erect. But Lord Zetland’s 
words have a tragically ironic ring when one 
thinks of the endeavours that have been made 
“over a long period”, not to unite the two 
communities, but to divide them, by those who 
were entrusted v^ith the work of consolidating 
the Empire. 

One wonders if Lord Zetland knows that the 
principal authors of the two nations theory 
were the Empire-builders of Britain, his 
predecessors in the offices that he has one time 
or other occupied. We cannot fix the guilt 
either of the monstrosity or the originality of 
’ the suggestion on Jinnali Saheb. It was con- 
ceived and defined by the “ rulers”. The first 
of those was Lord Dufferin — there were earlier 
ones like Sir Bartle Frere, but they had not 
enunciated the theory in such definite terms — 
who warned the Muslims against any identifica- 
tion with the Hindus in a political objective 
and propounded the two nations theory in 
these terms: 

“Bat perhaps the most patent characteristic of 
our Indian cosmos is its division into two mighty 
political communities as distinct from each other as 
the poles asunder in their religious faith, their his- 
torical antecedents, their social organisation and their 
natural aptitudes; on the one hand the Hindus 
numbering 190 millions with their polytheistic beliefs, 
their temples adorned with images and idols, their 
veneration for the sacred cow, their elaborate caste 
distinctions, and their habits of submission to suc- 
cessive conquerors — on the other hand the Mohame- 
dans, a nation of 50 millions with their monotheism, 
their iconoclastic fanaticism, their animal sacrifices, 
their social equality, and their remembrance of the 
days when enthroned at Delhi they reigned supreme 
from the Himalayas to Cape Comorin. ” 

It would be difficult to compress in a brief 
paragraph more mischievous half-truths than 
Lord Dufferin did. Lords Minto and Morley 
went a step further by helping to perpetuate the 
apparent division. Lord Minto declared any 
electoral representation in India as “ doomed to 

mischievous failure which aimed at granting a 
personal enfranchisement regardless of the beliefs 
and traditions of the communities composing 
the population of this continent.” It was a 
clever way of expressing the theory, but Lord 
Morley was brutally frank : “ Only let us not 
forget that the differences between Mohamedan- 
ism and Hinduism is not mere difference of 
articles of religious faith or dogmas. It is a 
difference in life, in tradition, in history, in all 
the social things as well as articles of beliefs 
that constitute a community. Do not let us 
forget that in talking of Hindus and Moha- 
medans we are. dealing with and are brought 
face to face with historic issues.” 

Some of the Muslims of those days were easy 
disciples of those British tutors, and even proud 
giants like Sir Syed Ahmed appealed to the 
Mussalmans to look to their communal interests 
as against national interests which were illusory. 
But it was. reserved, in the words of Maulana 
Mahomed Ali, “for General Dyer to break down 
entirely the barrier that Sir Syed Ahmed had 
for temporary purposes erected more than thirty 
years previously, and to summon the Mussalmans 
of India to the Congress held at Amritsar in 
1919 as the unsuspecting herald of India’s 
nationhood. The bullets of his soldiery made no 
distinction between Hindu and Muslim, and 
clearly Providence had so designed things that 
a community even more loyal than the Mussal- 
mans. namely our brave Sikh brothers, should 
also dye the sacred soil of their religious capital 
at Amritsar with their own blood along with 
that of Hindu and Muslim martyrs. There is 
the hand of God.” 

But let me correct Maulana Mahomed Ali in 
one or two respects. Even Sir Syed Ahmed had 
not thought that the barrier he had recognised 
— it had been erected not by him, but by the 
English masters as we have seen — could in any 
way be permanent. In a speech at Gurdaspur in 
1884, he said : 

“From the oldest times the word ‘nation’ is 
applied to the inhabitants of one country, though 
they differ in some peculiarities which are charac- 
teristic of their own. Hindu and Mahomedan brethren, 
do you people .any country other than Hindustan ? 
Do you inhabit the same land ? Are you not burned 
and buried on the same soil? Do you not tread 
the same ground and live upon the same soil ? 
Remember that the words Hindu and Mahomedan 
are only meant for religious distinction — otherwise 
all persons, whether Hindu or Mahomedan, even the 
Christians who reside in this country, are all in 
this particular respect belonging to one and the 
same country. Then all these different communities 
can only be described as one nation; they must each 
and all unite for the good of the country which is 
common to all.” 

In a Lahore speech he went even further and said: 

“What we do see is that we inhabit the same 
land, are subject to the rule of the same governors, 
the fountains of benefit for all are the same, and 

may 4, 1940 ] 



the pangs of famine also we suffer equally. These 
are the different grounds upon which I caJl both 
those races which inhabit India by one word, Hindu, 
meaning to say that they are inhabitants of Hindustan. 

And it must be remembered that it was Sir 
Syed Ahmed who used that famous simile — ■ 
Hindus and Mussalmans being the two eyes of 
the same human body, each indispensable to 
the other — ■ which later Jinnah Saheb himself 
adopted in one of his speeches. 

And Maulana Mahomed Ali was less than fair 
to the Muslim leaders of pre-Jallianwalla days. 
There were men like Justice Badroodin Tyebji 
and Mr. Rahimatulla Sayani who whole-heartedly 
supported the Congress. But there were men 
like Mian Muhammad Shafi who, though they 
had not joined the Congress, were anything but 
separatists. This is what the Mian Saheb said 
at the All India Muslim League meeting in 1913 : 

“ Now the Indian Mussalmans consist of two 
sections. Firstly those who themselves being descend- 
ants of the pre-Aryan aborigines and of the 
Aryan settlers in India, were converted -to Islam 
during the long centuries of Muslim ascendancy in 
this country, and secondly those who are descendants 
of the Muslim conquerors from the West. It is 
obvious that the former are as much Indians as 
our Hindu brethren, and the latter having settled in 
India centuries ago and, having made it their per- 
manent home, have as vital a stake in the material 
prosperity and political progress of their motherland 
as any other section of the. Indian population. But 
there is, in this' connection, a fact of great 
political importance which must not be lost sight 
of. The majority of Indian Mussalmans belong to 
the agricultural or quasi-agricullural classes, and are 
therefore relatively more identified v/ith the permanent 
Indian interests than the other classes of our 
population. Under these undeniable circumstances, it 
is but natural that the warm blood of Indian 
patriotism courses through the veins of Indian 
Mussalmans with the same vitality as is the case 
with those articulate classes whose patriotic spirit 
finds loud expression from the public platform and 
in the press. ” 

There were others like Mr, A. Rasul, Syed 
Hassan and Syed Ali Imam, and later Maulana 
Abul Kalam Azad. In 1915 the Ali Brothers 
cast in their lot with the nationalist Mussalmans. 
Jinnah Saheb, whose utterances of an earlier 
day we examined the other day, was a disciple 
of those Mussalmans who stood for a united 
nation. But he is now recanting his earlier 
professions, denying his Muslim tutors and evi- 
dently going back to the teaching of the British 
tutors. He forgets that he is flying in the face 
of those experienced Muslim leaders who like 
Mian Muhammad Shafi had patiently argued out 
and rejected the separatist theory. 

As for Lord Zetland, one would respectfully 
remind him that the tribe of Dufferins and 
Colvins and Mayos is not extinct. Lord Hailey 
supports the two nations theory as much as 
Lord Zetland professes to disown it. “ The 

Mussalmans," he said recently, “ can never forget 
that until our arrival in India they ruled the 
whole country. They are deeply suspicious 
any political development v/hich may place 
them under the control of a Hindu majority. 
They are not merely a political minority as we 
understand it, there are deep-seated social and 
cultural differences between them and Hindus, 
It is again a fact which counts for much, that 
they have religious connections with the warlike 
Mohammedan peoples on the frontier and beyond 
it.” If, as Maulana Mahomed Ali said, ” the hand 
of God ” had worked in Jallianwalla, may it be 
that the hand of the Devil is working today ? 

Sevagram, 28-4-40 M. D. 

Example Belter than Precept 

The Junior Maharaja of Dewas has expressed 
his active sympathy for khadi — and all village 
industries, we presume — in a manner which will 
leave no manner of doubt in the minds of State 
employees and the people of the State. The 
Maharaja, speaking at the Malhar Exhibition on 
the 1st of March, said : 

“ I have a proposal to place before you regarding 
khadi. Next year there should be a stall in the exhibi- 
tion exclusively devoted to khadi, khadi goods, and giv- 
ing facts and figures showing the advantages of khadi. 
This year I had sent Sliri Salcharam Chaudhri to 
receive training in the processes of khadi manufac- 
ture, and I am glad that he has returned with all 
the training that he could get. But I want to 
extend the work on a wide scale, and if necessary 
I _ may send more people for training. I also pro- 
pose to spend an adequate amount on this object. 

I would appeal to the Exhibition Committee to 
restrict themselves to the use of khadi for all the 
cloth that may be necessary in the construction 
of the exhibition. This khadi should be woven in, 
and prepared from yarn spun in, IDewas, and every- 
one in the State should aim at exhibiting here 
something of his or her own manufacture. I pro- 
pose to place an exhibit myself, and so will all the 
members of my family. I hope all people will co- 
operate in the fulfilment of this object and will 
make of the khadi exhibition as great a success as 
they made of the fruit and vegetables show. 

I approched in this matter other States in Central 
India, but I am sorry to say there was no response. 
I therefore have decided to do the thing myself 
and set an example.” 

Before this, on the 29th January 1940, the 
Maharaja had issued the following appeal in 
AkJibar Martand, a local paper: 

“ Malre Khadi your own.” 

“There is an^ English proverb which says, ‘Charity 
begins at home,’ and everyone is familiar with the 
appeal, ‘ Support Home Industries. ’ Acting on these 
adages I would ask all the State officials to dress 
themselves in clothes made of khadi, white or 
coloured, manufactured in our State. I am speaking 
from experience. I use home-made khadi. I shall 
be delighted if my example is followed. It will bene- 
fit the people, and it will give a fillip to the cottage 
industries in the State.” 

■We congratulate the Dewas Maharaja on the 
thoroughgoing way in which he has taken up 
the matter, and we hope others will follow 
his example. 

Sevagram, 29-4-40 M. D. 



[ May 4, 1940 



1 Mas? ^ 

1940 1 



( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

An Indian friend writes : 

“ Yesterday Kealer in patbeiic terms reSated how 
the population of Norway under the rain of bombs 
and machine gun bullets was fleeting from towns 
completely demoralised and in panic. It is shocking 
that such good people should so suddenly bo 
reduced to this helpless condition simply because they 
had neither the will nor the resources to develop 
the technique of destruction into a fine art. The 
futility of violence, and also, I fear, its temporary 
efficacy, is b§ing proved. Of what avail was the 
violent defence of Norway ? And yet for the 
time being the bigger violence of Germany seems 
to have succeeded ! Let us hope eventually everyone 
will see the futility of violence and a new era 
may dawn. But are we really making a non-violent 
contribution to-wards the world problem ? Of what 
avail is our non-violence to Norway, Sweden and 
Denmark ? Virtually, are we not giving a handle to 
Germany ? True, we are doing nothing beyond 
embarrassing Great Britain, and perhaps we may 
say that such an embarrassment is inevitable and is 
not caused deliberately. But the fact remains that 
England is in distress and by our action we are 
embarrassing not only England but all other good 
nations who have been victims of aggression. We are 
not likely, it seems, to succeed in changing England's 
heart. And victims like Norway etc. can never 
appreciate our attitude. In the light of our present 
attitude, the international world can with justification 
misinterpret our past help to victims of aggression 
like China and Spain. Were they more deserving of 
our help than the present victims ? And if not, then 
why this distinction ? Simply because an imperialist 
power, even for the sake of its own interest, 
happens to decide to do something which is noble 
and moral ! You have never regretted your action 
during the last war when you . vigorously recruited 
people for military purposes. This time your altitude 
appears to be in sharp contrast, although you say 
that both attitudes are right.” 

correspondent is not alone in bemoaning 
the lot of most cultured and inoffensive people 
like the Danes and the Norwegians. This war 
is showing the futility of violence. Supposing 
Hitler becomes victorious over the Allies, he 
will never subjugate England and France/ It 
will mean another war. Supposing the Allies are 
victorious, the world will fare no better. They 
will be more polite but not less ruthless, unless 
they learn the lesson of non-violence during the 
war and unless they shed the gains they have 
made through violence. The first condition of 
non-violence is justice all round in every depart- 

ment of life. Perhaps it is too mucii to expect 
of human nature. I do not, however, think so. 
No one should dogmatise about the capacity of 
human nature for degradation or exaltation. 

Indian non-violence has brought no relief to 
the cultured Western powers because it is still 
poor stuff. Why travel so far to see its 
inefficacy? We in India are torn asunder in 
spite of the Congress policy of non-violence. 
The Congress itself is distrusted. Not until 
the Congress or a similar group of people 

represents the non-violence of the strong, will 
the world catch the infection. 

India’s aid to Spain and China was merely 
moral. The material aid was but an insignifi- 
cant token of it. There is hardly an Indian 

who does not feel the same sympathy for 
Norway and Denmark who lost their freedom 
overnight. Though their case is different from 
that of Spain and China, their ruin is more 
complete perhaps than that of Spain and China, 
Indeed there is a material difference even between 
China and Spain. But there is no difference so 
far as sympathy is concerned. Pauper India has 
nothing to send to these countries except her 
non-violence. But as I have said this is not yet 
a sendable commodity. . It will be, when India 
has gained her freedom through non-violence. 

There then -remains Britain’s case. The 
Congress has caused no embarrassment. I have 
declared already that I shall do nothing to 
embarrass Great Britain. She will be embarrass- 
ed if there is anarchy in India. That, the 
Congress, so long as it is under my discipline, 
'^ill not support. 

What the Congress cannot do is to lend its 
moral influence to Britain. Moral influence is 
never mechanically given. It is for Britain to take 
it. Perhaps British statesmen do not think the 
Congress has any to lend. Perhaps they think 
that all they need is material aid in this warring 
world. If they do, they will not be far wrong. 
Morality is contraband in war. My correspondent 
has given up the whole of his case for Britain 
when he says, ** We are not likely to succeed 
in changing Britain’s heart.” I do not wisli ill 
to Britain, I shall grieve if Britain goes down. 
But the moral influence of the Congress cannot 
avail Britain unless she washes her hands clean 
of India. It works under its own unalterable 

My friend does not see* the difference between 
my recruiting in Kheda and my attitude now. 
During the last war the moral issue had not 
been raised. The Congress was not pledged to 
non-violence. It had not the moral hold on 
the masses it now enjoys. I was acting on my 
own in all I did. I had even attended the War 
Conference. And to be true to my declaration 
I had been recruiting at the cost of my health. 

I _toId the people that, if they wanted arms, 
military service was the surest way to get them. 
But if they were non-violent like me, my appeal 
was not to them. There was no non-violent 

May 4, 1940 ] 



man among my audiences so far as 1 knov7. 
Their reluctance was based on ill-will towards 
Britain. This was gradually giving place to an 
enlightened determination to throw off the 
foreign yoke. 

Things have changed since then. In spite of 
the unanimous support that Britain got during 
the last v»7ar from India, the British attitude was 
translated into the Rowlatt Act and the like. 
The Congress accepted aon-vioient non-coopera« 
tion to meet the British menace. There is the 
memory of the Jallianwala Bagh, the Simon 
Commission, the Round Table Conferences, the 
emasculation of Bengal for the sake of the mis- 
deeds of a few. The Congress having accepted 
non-violence, I do not need to go to the people 
to give^ recruits. Through the Congress I can 
give something infinitely better than a few such 
recruits. Of that evidently Britain has no need. 
I am willing but helpless. 

Sevagram, 30-4-40 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

An English friend writes thus : 

“ It is still reasonable at present to proceed on 
the assumption that the Muslims would accept some- 
thing a good deal less than * Pakistan ’. But the 
trouble is that the longer the time that elapses 
without any compromise solution being reached, the 
stronger and more insistent will be ilic cry for 
“Pakistan*, so that in the end civil war or partition 
will be the only alternatives, I think the view 
held by some that there is nothing to be done 
but ‘to wait upon events is fatal. It is up to the 
British now to use all their powers of persuasion 
and statesmanship to compel the parties to settle. 

The crux of the matter is who is to control 
power at the Centre — Hindus or Muslims ? Over 
this the Congress must be prepared to make 
great concessions. The principles of parliamentary 
democracy and majority rule must be jettisoned- 
They are not applicable when two distinct civilisa- 
tions have got to lie down together. Majority 
rule from the Muslim point of view will mean or, 
at any rate, contain the menace of the dominance 
of one civilisation over the other. If the Congress 
do not recognize this quickly, I am afraid that 
partition will become, if not the only alternative, 
the best one — which will give you- an idea of 

how bad the other alternatives will be ! 


If the Congress can be brought to see the need 
for great concessions on this point, I am sure 
compromise solutions can be found. I hold this 
necessity to be vital. ** 

Of course the British Government can do much. 
They have done much by force. They can 
make the parties come to a solution by force. 
But they need not go so far. What they have 
done hitherto is to prevent a proper solution. 
In proof of my statement I commend the esteemed 
correspondent to the columns of Harijan, The 
only thing the British Government -have to 

do IS zo change their attitude. Will they ? They 
can retain their hold ®n India only by a policy of 
divide and rule. A living unity between Muslims 
and Hindus is fraught v/ith danger to their rule. 
It would mean an end of it. Therefore it seems 
to me that a true solution will come with the 
end of the rule, potentially if not in fact. 

What can be done under the threat of Paki- 
stan ? If it is not a threat but a desirable goal, 
why should ic be prevented ? If it is undesir- 
able and mectnt only for the Ivlasiims to get 
more under its shadow, any solution would be 
an unjust solution. It would be worse than no 
solution. Therefore I am entirely for waiting 
till the menace is gone. India’s independence is 
a living thing. No make-believe will suit. The 
whole world is in the throes of a nevy^ birth. 
Anything done for a temporary gain would be 
tantamount to an abortion. 

I cannot think in terms of narrow Hinduism 
or narrow Islam. I am wholly uninterested in a 
patchwork solution. India is a big country, a big 
nation composed of different cultures, which are 
tending to blend with one another, each com- 
plementing the rest. If I must wait for the com- 
pletion of the process, I must wait. It may not 
be completed in my day. I shall love to die in 
the faith that it must come in the fullness of 
time. I should be happy to think that I had 
done nothing to hamper the process. Subject 
to this condition, I would do anything to bring 
about harmony. My life is made up of com- 
promises, but they have been compromises 
that have brought me nearer the goal. Pakistan 
cannot be worse than foreign domination, I 
have lived under the latter though not willingly. 
If God so desires it, I may have to become 
a helpless witness to the undoing of my dream. 
But I do not. believe that the Muslims really 
want to dismember India. 

Sevagram, 29-4-40 

Wanton Destruction in Bidar 

A correspondent is grieved that I have been 
silent about the shocking tragedy in Bidar 
( Hyderabad State ). I have before now said in 
another connection that because I say nothing 
in public about certain wrongs it is not to be 
thought that I am oblivious to them or that I am 
doing nothing. I must be allowed to judge what 
is best under given circumstances. If all I have 
heard about Bidar (not all has been published 
in the papers) is true, nothing quite like it has 
happened anywhere in all India. If Hyderabad 
State is not to be given over to lawlessness 
and Hindu life and property not rendered value- 
less, there should be a thorough and impartial 
judicial inquiry commanding confidence, and full 
compensation should be given to those who arc 
rendered suddenly homeless. It is to be hoped 
that Muslim opinion outside Hyderabad will ask 
for full investigation into the happenings. 

Sevagram, 30-4^0 M. K. G. 



[ May 4, 1940 


(By M. K. Gandlii) 

Having published the gist of the case of the 
Khadi Exhibition organisers about the national 
flag incident, I am in duty bound to publish 
the following communique of the Commissioner 
of Ajmer Merwara on the incident; 

" A feature of the celebration by the Ajmer Con- 
gress of what is known as the ‘National Week’ has 
been an exhibition organised by a committee known 
as the ‘ Khadi Gram Udyog Exhibition Committee*. 
For this a number of temporary structures have 
been erected adjoining the fort on a plot of nazul 
landj which is under the control of the Municipal 
Committee. Advantage was taken of the fact that 
the exhibition attracted large crowds of people to 
hold political meetings on a vacant plot between the 
exhibition grounds and the entrance to the city 
kotwali. At two of these meetings speeches of an 
extremely objectionable character were delivered, and 
it was evident that the organizers of ihe meetings 
who are members of the local Congress were attem- 
pting under the pretext of promoting the use of 
khadi and village industries in general to bring the 
Government into hatred and contempt. The fact that 
these seditious utterances were made at a place 
adjoining a barrack occupied by constables stationed 
at the kotwali was an additional provocation. 

Further, the organisers of the exhibition set up a 
flag-staff on an outlying bastion of the fort from 
which the Congress flag was flown. This bastion is 
on Government land and is a part of the kotwali 
Police Station. Permission was neither sought for 
nor obtained for this act. Apart from the un- 
desirability of a party emblem of this nature being 
displayed from a Government building, the flying of 
the Congress flag from the ramparts of an ancient 
Moghul fort, which is a protected monument, caused 
grave offence to certain sections of the public. 

After satisfying himself by personal inspection as to 
the facts, the Commissioner decided to issue two 
prohibitory orders to prevent a breach of public 
tranquillity. The first order was addressed to the 
organisers of the exhibition by name, and it directed 
them to remove the flag and flag-staff within one 
hour and to refrain from re-erecting it within 400 
yards of the fort ramparts. The second order was 
a general one prohibiting political meetings under 
^e Municipal limits for a period of ten days. The 
issue of this order was rendered necessary by the 
manner in which certain partisans of the Congress 
had abused the opportunity which the holding of 
the Khadi Exhibition presented. 

As far as the first order is concerned, the indi- 
viduals to whom it was addressed intimated in 
writing their refusal to comply, whereupon the police 
were directed to remove the flag and the flag-staff. 
Action is being taken separately regarding the 
refusal of the organisers of the exhibition to comply 
with the order.” 

If the above version is true, the case of the 
Exhibition Committee falls to the ground. I 
may state that a correspondent claiming to 
be impartial sends a letter supporting ' the 
version of the Ajmer authorities, I refrain from 
expressing any opinion till my investigation 
is complete. One thing, however, is clear. The 
Commissioner has done everything he can to 
incite the Muslims against the Exhibition 
Committee, Prejudice against it peeps out through 
a portion of the communique. Even if the 
facts are as he has stated them, the Commi- 
ssioner could have avoided the inflammatory 

reference to the ® Moghul Fort Fie knew 
that the Exhibition Committee could have no 
intention of wounding Muslim susceptibilities. 

I have further information that more trouble 
is brewing in Ajmer, But of this more when 
I have full facts. 

Meanwhile let me draw attention to the 
reported tactful act of a Commissioner in the 
Frontier Province who, when a Congressman 
went to his office to hoist the Congress flag^ 
straightaway hoisted it himself, and hoisted the 
Muslim League flag as v/ell, taking care that tne 
Union Jack flew the highest of ail. But for 
the sense of humour and tact of the Com- 
missioner it is difficult to say what v/ould have 

Sevagram, 30-4-40 

An Uniudicia! Dictum 

A correspondent sends me a press cutting 
containing a report of an Allahabad judgment 
of two English judges sitting as appellate court. 
In delivering their judgment allowing the appeal 
their Lordships are reported to have said : 

The case is unsatisfactory because we have no 
less than five persons who were in effect, if their 
evidence can be relied upon, eye-witnesses, and yotg 
having regard to the slight value placed upon 
truth in this country, wc have seriously to apply 
our minds as to whether they can be believed.’’ 

This is an extraordinary pronouncement from 
a bench of judges. What legal basis had these 
two judges for the sweeping statement made by 
them as to the character of a v/liole nation ? 
The inference is that in other countries a 
higher value is placed upon truth. Now if 
this was a universally accepted proposition, 
perhaps the judges would have been justified 
in taking legal notice of it. There is, however, 
not only no such acceptance but experienced 
observers have testified that, on the whole, 
greater value is put upon truth in India than 
elsewhere. But no judge should be influenced 
one way or the other by such observations as 
have no judicial value, I would go further and 
say that such observations ought not to be 
made by any responsible person, even on political 
platforms. They can never be proved. But when 
they are made by judges they vitiate their 
judgments and may lead to miscarriage of justice. 
Be it noted that the Allahabad judges have 
made use of their bias in coming co their 
decision and have thus proved tlieir incapacity 
to . hold responsible posts. The case in which 
the observation was made affected poor people. 
But the fact that only poor persons were 
involved makes it all the more necessary to 
take public notice of the judges’ strictures. 
Who knows in how many cases this bias of 
theirs has resulted in defeating justice ? 

Sevagram, 2-4-40 M. K. G. 


The business hours of our Bombay office are now 
8 to 11 A. M. and 3 to 7 p. M. Readers will please 


May 4s 1940 ] 


11 ? 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

The partition proposal has altered the face of 
the Hindu Muslim problem. I have called it 
an untrutlis There can be no compromise with 
it. At the same time I have said that, if the 
•eight crores o£ Maslims desire it, no power on 
earth can preveni: it, notwithstanding opposition 
violent or non-vioient. It cannoc come by 
honourable agreement. 

That is the political aspeci: of it. Bat whac 
about the religious and the moral which are 
greater than the political? For at the bottom 
of the cry for partition is the belief that 
Islam is an exclusive brotherhood, and anti- 
Hindu. Whether it is against other religions it 
is not stated. The newspaper cuttings in which 
partition is preached describe Hindus as prac- 
tically untouchables. Nothing good can come 
out of Hindus or Hinduism. To live under 
Hindu rule is a sin. Even joint Hindu-Muslim 
rule is not to be thought of. The cuttings 
show that Hindus and Muslims are already at 
war with one another and that they must 
prepare for the final tussle. 

Time was when Hindus thought that Muslims 
were the natural enemies of Hindus. But as is 
the case with Hinduism, ultimately it comes to 
terms with the enemy and makes friends with 
it. The process had not been completed. As if 
nemesis had overtaken Hinduism, the Muslim 
League started the same game and taught that 
there could be no blending of the two cul- 
tures, In this connection I have just read ' a 
booklet by Shri Atulanand Chakrabarti which 
shows that ever since the contact of Islam with 
Hinduism there has been a t attempt on the part 
of the best mind of both to see the good points 
of each other, and to emphasise inherent simi- 
larities rather than seeming dissimilarities. The 
author has shown Islamic history in India in a 
favourable light. If he has stated the truth and 
nothing but the truth, it is a revealing booklet 
which all Hindus and Muslims may read with 
profit. He has secured a very favourable and 
reasoned preface from Sir Shafaat Ahmed Khan 
and several other Muslim testimonials. If the 
evidence collected there reflects the true 
evolution of Islam in India, then the partition 
propaganda is anti-Islamic. 

Religion binds man to God and man to man. Does 
Islam bind Muslim only to Muslim and antagonise 
the Hindu? Was the message of the Prophet peace 
only for and between Muslims and war against 
Hindus or non-Muslims ? Are eight crores of 
Muslims to be fed with this which I can only 
describe as poison ? Those who are instilling 
this poison into the Muslim mind are rendering 
the greatest disservice to Islam, I know that it 
is not Islam. I have lived with and among 
Muslims not for one day but closely and almost 
uninterruptedly for twenty years. Not one 
.Muslim taught me that Islam was an anti-Hindu 
.xeligion. Sevagram, 29-4-40 



Of this increasing displacement of human 
labour and its dire results an example has jusr 
come to light from America where, as we said 
before, mechanisation of agriculture is proceed- 
ing at a very rapid pace. It is described m 
an article which appeared last year in an 
American Christian weekly, Zions Herald, and 
was reproduced in the Christian quarterly World 
Ckristianity ( now defunct ) towards the end of 
that year. In agriculture, and particularly in 
cotton cultivation, in America the system of 
having “ share-croppers ” obtained till the grow« 
ing mechanisation disturbed it rudely and 
brought “in its trail the destitution of share- 
cropper families and the consequent human 

‘'Every step towards rationalisation, every advance 
in the utilisation of electricity and the automatic 
machine diminishes the consequence of the worker. 
His skill and experience count each year for a little 
less. His numbers are everywhere in excess of the 
demand. Industry still requires large, though diminish* 
ing, numbers of unskilled, or semi-skilled, ‘hands', 
but the expert master mechanic has fallen on evil 
days.** ^ 

Exactly the same thing happened in the case 
of these share-croppers whose story has been 
narrated by Mark A. Dawber, the author of 
the above-mentioned article. ’ “ His condition/* 
says the writer, “has been the subject of radio, 
movie, and press,” surveys and reports have 
been made, “ general pronouncements concerning 
America’s economic problem number one have 
been released, but the share-cropper remains, his 
condition not improved, but growing worse with 
every passing day.” 

The share-croppers and share-tenants, as their 
names suggest, are those skilled cultivators who 
do not own the land but raise the crops, a 
part of which they receive in return for their 
labour from the landowners. The magnitude of 
the problem may be realised from the fact that 
out of about two million farm families depend- 
ent upon the cotton crop for a livelihood. 
1,830,000 are share-croppers and tenant-farmers. 
The share-cropper family earned $ 38 to 87 a 
person per year, and a share-tenant family an 
average of $ 73 a person per year. Most of the 
share-croppers are Negroes ; most of the 
share-tenants are whites. Since 1935, “ thousands 
of these have been forced off the land and arc 
trying to eke out a living as day labourers and 
migrant workers, and the end is not yet.” 

“ The sharecropper’s condition has been made 
more diflScult, ” says the writer, “ by the intro- 
duction of machinery. As a result, thousands 
of sharecroppers have been dispensed with and 
evicted from the land and the miserable cabins 
in which they have lived.” 

And what is the prospect that the future 
holds out before them ? The narrative goes On : 

7 H. N. Braiisford: Op CiU p. 258. 


i May 4, 1940 


‘^The future displacement of -sharecroppers when 
the mechanical cotton-picker shall have been perfected 
33 ^yeli recognized. The serious displacement now in 
progress in the wake of the all-purpose farm tractor 
has been scarcely noticed. Yet tenant farmers, share- 
croppers, and farm labourers — whites and Negroes 
alike — are being swept from (.he land and on to 
relief in some of the most important agricultural 
sections of the country. Planters are dispensing with 
their croppers and tenants, retaining the few necessary 
to operate the tractors and paying them by the day 
when they work. A planter in the Mississippi Delta, 
to cite an outstanding example, purchased twentytwo 
tractors and thirteen four-row cultivators; he let go 
130 our of his 160 cropper families, and retained 
the thirty/ for day labour.” 

The mechanical tractors and cultivators are 
showering their curses in the fullest measure on 
these helpless folk, and are bringing in their 
wake desolation and despair. 

“ The rural landscape is strewn with abandoned 
houses, or, as in sections of Kansas with which I 
am personally acquainted, the farm homes are being 
pulled down to avoid taxes. Residents in western 
Texas explain as they point: ‘There used to be ten 
cropper families on that farm. The tractor got nine 
of them. ’ ‘ That farm has made a living for a 
dozen families ever since the land was broke; now 
only three are living on it and two are getting 
just enough to get by. ’ ‘ The tractors are keeping 
our families from making a living.’ 

The story proceeds in its moving pathos ; 

Rural schools decline. Village merchants fail. 
Drought and poor cotton prices have undermined 
them, and mechanized farming finishes them. Class 
bitterness is stirred, and even the government program 
intended to benefit the farmer has become an instru- 
ment of strife. This is the story of those who have 
been dispossessed from the land, the story of the 
machine riding ruthlessly over the lives of people, 
bringing bitterness and despair. Others not yet 
dispossessed are facing the same fate in stark fear.” 

Even a worm turns, and it is no wonder that 

these families, described as the ‘ victims ’ of 
increasing mechanisation of agriculture and of 
government crop-adjustment programmes”, make 
occasional mass protests, however feeble, against 
what has deprived them of not only their 
livelihood but of even the opportunity of 
honest labour. Here is a description of one 
of such groups: 

“ This new condition that reduced the sharecropper 
to a day-labour status, with no cabin to call his 
■own, has created a revolt in certain sections of 
the country. In January, during a bitter winter 
storm, hundreds of these evicted sharecroppers, in 
Missouri, moved along the highway to give demon- 
stration against the new economic status in which 
they found themselves. Under the leadership of Owen 
H. Whitfred, a Negro Baptist minister, more than 
a thousand men, women, and children camped along 
the two main highways. The march to the high- 
ways was called as a protest against the growing 
movement in the cotton country to abandon share- 
cropping in favour of day labour. The leader of the 
movement contended that some landowners had evicted 
their renters in order to avoid having to share the 
crop benefit payments received from the Gov|rnment. 
Men, women, and children camped in the open. 
They huddled around camp fires or makeshift stoves 
.ialong the desolate rigVits of way, sharing the contents 
of the steaming kettles. Most of them were Negroes, 
but there was a scattering of white persons. Men 

feebio with age, one woman so ill she bad lo be 
carried to the highway on a cot, and babies 
crjdng from fright and hunger, ail presented a dis- 
tressing picture.” 

Some philanthropic organisations are now trying 
to devise some measures of relief and to find 
a solution of their problem by way of rural 
rehabilitation and cooperative farm programmes. 


It would not be surprising if happenings like 
these began to shake the faith of people in 
machine economy and its so-called benefits. 
Thus, for instance, read against the background 
of the above, a little poragrapf) i.hat appeared 
in the American weekly, The Nciv RcpvMic, on 
27th September 1939, under the heading “ Back 
to Handicraft 

“ The Farm Security Administration has an interest- 
ing policy which it proposes to apply to IS, 000 
poor farmers in the northeastern section of the 
country. According to Philip Henderson, regional 
director of the FSA, these farmers will be taught 
to churn their own butter, grind tlicir own flour and 
weave their own cloth. lie believes that substantial 
savings can be made in the governmental assistance 
going to these farmers, who now sell their products 
for what they can get and buy their necessities in 
the open market. 

The Twentieth Century Fund revealed the other 
day that, on the average, the producer gets only 40 
per cent of the consumer’s dollar; the other 60 per 
cent goes to middlemen. Mr. Hendersons 18,000 
farmers are paying prices based partly on toe 
many small retail stores, on charge accounts, 
delivery service, elaborate packaging of staple 
products, competitive advertising that is sometimes 
wasteful. He is very likely right in saying that 
they will be better off financially to churn their own 
butter and grind tlieir own flour. But what a coni- 
nic-ntary on our civilization ! When tlie machine- 
powered creamery was invented, when flour and 
textile mills grew to gigantic proportions, they were 
hailed as tremendous forward strides for humanity;, 
doing away with vast : quantities of isolated, individua! 
toil and substituting that of a few men and many 
machines. Plere we see the trend toward technologi- 
cal efficiency reversed because we haven't enough 
collective intelligence to use our machines to seL 
us free.” 

The movement may be confined to a small 
number at present, but there is unmistakably 
a swing of the pendulum, and maybe it will 
gather momentum with the passage of time 
and greater disillusionment following upon eco- 
nomic disasters. On us, to whom unemployment 
due to mechanisation is not an unknown thing, 
events like these reported from the West should 
have a sobering effect, and should make us pause 
and ponder before we take a plunge towards 
widespread introduction of machines and large 
scale industrialisation. Let us count the cost ii"* 
human misery the country will be made to pay 
in the bargain. Let us, at any rate, proceed 
with open eyes and look before we leap. 
C. S. 


The Rashtrabhasha Prachar Samiti, Wardba, has 
decided to open a regular Flindi Shorthand class at 
Wardha from 1st July 1940. Ten candidate^ will 
be selected for training. Further information can be 
had from the Secretary of the Samiti, Wardha. 

May 4, 1940] 



A Spau-a oS SopMstifies 

In the course of bis speech during the recent 
7ndia debate in the House of Commons — which, 
as Mr. Wedgv 70 od Benn hinted, was staged 
primarily for the benefit of the neutral world — 
the former Secretary of State for India indul- 
ged in sophistries galore. One of these was 

that Dominion Status of the Westminster 
'^^ariety was one and the same thing as and 
identical with Independence, and since it had 
satisfied even ardent separationists like Mr, 
Tielman Ross and Gen. Hertzog, it ought to 
satisfy India too. What Mr. Benn did not say 
in his speech but which was the mostly rele- 
vant part of the matter was that the status — 
whatever its nature — v/hich was accepted 
was entirely determined by the accredited 

representatives concerned without any pressure 
or interference from any alien stake-holders 
within the country or from outside. As 

Sir Thomas Inskip pointed out when the 

question of the status of the Dominions was 
discussed in the House of Commons, every single 
clause in the proposed draft bill was to be 
found '‘word for word and letter for letter in 

the schedule to the Report of the Imperial 

Conference of 1930.” “It would be a matter 
of very grave responsibility,” the Solicitor- 

General added, *‘to insert any Amendment in this 
Bill which would go contrary to the expressed 
desire of any of our Dominions overvseas. ” As 
I pointed out last week, the Dominions protest- 
ed against and repudiated outright the doctrine 
of ‘ trusteeship ’ in inter-imperial relations in the 
middle of the Great War. In the case of 
South Africa, although its constitution was framed 
after what was claimed to be a victory 
over the Boers, the British Parliament did 
not claim the right even to transpose a 
misplaced comma in the draft Bill embodying 
. the Union constitution, if South Africa chose to 
be ungrammatical. By the same token India to- 
day asks for self-determination which is every 
nation’s birth-right, and refuses to barter it for 
any political concession that Britain might be 
inclined to concede. It is for India and India 
alone to decide what her constitution shall be and 
by what name her status shall be described. 

The Past Recalled 

Regard being bad to what is going on at 
present it is interesting and instructive to 
recall what Lord Birkenhead did thirteen 
years ago. 

The situation briefly was, the ten years’ limit 
’fixed by the authors of the Montford Scheme 
for determining the next instalment of political 
reforms was about to expire. Lord Birkenhead, 

- to whom it was “ frankly inconceivable that 
India will ever be fit for self-government,” 
had on December 4, 1924, already written to 
Lord Reading : “ My present view is that we 
ought rigidly to adhere to the date proposed in 
i’the Act for re-examination of the situation, and 

that it is not likely, unless matters greatiy 
change in the interval, that such a re-examina- 
tion will suggest the slightest extension. In the 
meantime, little as I have liked diarchy, obvi- 
ously it must be given a chance.” 

In January 1925 Lord Birkenhead wrote to 
Lord Reading the following memorable words: 

“ In ultimate analysis the strength of the British 
position is that we are in India for the good of 
India. The most striking illustration of the truth 
of rbe position is supplied hy the in unite variation 
of nationality* sect and religion in the sub-continent. 
The more it is made obvious that these antagonisms 
are profound and affect immense and irreconcilable 
sections of the population^ the more conspicuously 
is the fact illustrated that we, and we alone^ can 
play the part of composers. “ ( Italics mine ) 

But developments had in the meantime taken 
place both in India and England, and there was 
in the offing a chance of the Labour Party 
being returned to power at the next elections. 
A strange thing then happened. In July 1925, 
Lord Birkenhead pompously declared in the 
House of Lords that he was “ no slave to dates” 
and was prepared to anticipate the date fixed 
for the revision of the constitution. On November 
8, 1927, Lord Irwin announced the appointment 
and composition of the Simon Commission. 
This was ostensibly done in response to “ Indian 
political pressure to secure anticipation of the 
statute”. The real reason however, as is now 
established by the publication of private corres- 
pondence that passed at that time between 
Lord Birkenhead and Lord Reading, was that 
the former shrank from the prospect of the 
appointment of the Commission being left into 
the hands of a possible Labour Government to 
come. In a letter dated December 10, 1925, 
addressed to Lord Reading, His Lordship deli- 
vered himself as follows: 

“When I made my speech in the House of Lords 
suggesting that it might be possible to accelerate 
the Commission of 1928, if some measure of co- 
operation were forthcoming in India, I always had 
it plainly in mind that we could not afford to run 
the slightest risk that the nomination of the 192 B 
Commission should be in the hands of our successors.. 
You can readily imagine what kind of a Commission 
in its personnel would have been appointed by 
Col. Wedgwood and his friends. I have, therefore* 
throughout been of opinion that it would be necessary 
for us, as a matter of elementary prudence, to 
appoint the Commission not latter than the summer 
of 1929. ... I should, therefore, like to receive your 
advice if at any moment you discern an opportunity 
for making this a useful bargain counter or for 
further disintegrating the Swarajist Party. ... The 
Swarajist Party at this moment is undoubtedly 
torn by divided counsels. The reasonableness of 
the attitude disclosed in your speeches and mine 
has already inclined many important members of 
that party to advocate co-operation. Surely their 
number would be greatly augmented if it were known 
that they could obtain what the other Swarajista. 


[ May 4, 1940'- 

cannot confidently count upon — acceleration. I shall 
myself abstain from making any speech which is 
m tbs least definite upon these lines until I bear 
iffom you. And you would, I think, be well advised 
$0 do the same.... 

But I am sure that, having regard to political 
contingencies in this country, we must keep the 
nomination of the personnel of this Commission in 
our own hands. In this matter we cannot run the 
slightest risk. My present view, therefore is — and I 
believe that the Prime Minister shares it — that we 
shall in any event, playing for safety, be driven 
to nominate the Commission in the middle of 1927. 
If such an acceleration affords you any bargaining 
value, use it to the full, and with* the knowledge 
4hat you will be supported by the Government. 

C Birkenhead ; The Last Phaser p, 250-51 ). ( Italics 
mine. } 

The Congress reply to the appointment of 
this all-white Commission was to pass a resolu- 
tion (Madras, 1927) boycotting it “at every stage 
and in every form”. This was a disconcerting 
prospect. In a [private letter to Lord Irwin 
dated 10th January 1928 Lord Birkenhead wrote: 

“ I write to you just before making the journey 
to Victoria Station to say farewell to the Simon 
Commission. I have persuaded the Prime Minister, 
Peel and the Attorney-General to come with me, 
30 that the occasion will be invested with as much 
importance as we can give it. 

I had a long talk with Simon yesterday, and once 
again covered the ground which seemed useful. I 
told him, and I am sure that you will agree, that 
on this first visit, and until the situation clarifies, it 
would be wisest to give as few people as possible 
t he opportunity of snubbing the Commission. This is 
a generalisation with which I am sure you will 
agree, but one cannot, of course, in this office, 
foresee the development of events with any clearness. 
But I had it in my mind that as far as possible 
people ^should not on this visit be asked to meet 
those who are likely, in the first place to refuse to 
do so, and in the second to publish such a refusal 
with as much offensiveness as they can command. 
A friendly attitude of unobtrusiveness, willingness to 
acquire information and make friends, seems to me 
clearly indicated. I do not, of course, mean that 
where the response is likely to be friendly prelimi- 
nary discussion might not take place. 

We have always relied on the non-boycotting 
Moslems, on the depressed community, on the busi- 
ness interests and on many others, to break down 
the attitude of boycott* You and Simon must be 
the judges whether or not it is expedient in these 
directions to try to make a breach in the wall of 
antagonism, even in the course of the present visit,” 
( Birkenhead : The Last Phase, p, 254 ). ( Italics mine ) 
Finding, however, that the Commission had 
been ' successfully boycotted despite all official 
tactics, in February next he again wrote, this 
time’ in high dudgeon : 

“ 1 should advise Simon to see at ail stages im" 
poitant people who are not boycotting the Cormnis- 
Sion, particularly Moslems and the depressed classes. 
1 she aid widely advertise all his interviews with 
lepresentative Moslems. The whole policy now is 
obvious. It is to terrify the immense Hindu popu- 
lation by the apprehension that the Commission is 
being got hold of by the Moslem support, and leav^ 
ing Jinnah high and dry'" ( Birkenhead : The Last 
Phase, p. 255) [Qaid-e-Azam was then opposed to 
the Commission. ] ( Italics mine ) 

Many readers will remember how every inter- 
view was advertised and [how deputations were 
arranged and magnified through the favoured 

Further lines of cleavage were suggested to 
the Viceroy by His Lordship in the course of 
the same letter : 

“ You will remember that in dealing with the 
question of the Indianisation of the Indian Armya 
His Majesty's Government were averse from using 
the phrase ‘Dominion Status’ to describe even the 
ultimate and remote goal of Indian political develop- 
ment, because it has been laid down that Dominion 
Status means ‘the right to decide their own destinies \ 
and this right we were not prepared to accord to 
India at present, or in any way to prejudge the 
question whether it should ever be accorded. I think 
it is fair to infer from this that separatism should 
be regarded as a hostile movement, and if that is 
so, its representatives ought not to be treated in 
the same way as the representatives of other political 
movements, which, though they may be unreasonable 
or ill-timed, are not illegitimate. It is a constant 
complaint of our friends in India that they are 
rendered impotent by the encourjgement that is 
given to our and their enemies.” 

Sevagram, 28-4-40 • Pyarela! 

Mahatma Gandhi 

By S. Radhakrishnan. (New Edition) Rs. 5-10-0. 
Postage 7 As. Available at Harijan office-Poona 4, 
and 67 & 81 Queen's Road, Bombay 2. 



Question Box ' 


K. Gandhi 





The Hand of the Devil ? 

M. D. 


Of What Avail Is Non- 

Violence ? 


K. Gandhi 


An English Suggestion ... 


K. Gandhi 


The Ajmer Trouble 


K. Gandhi 


PIiNDU Muslim Tangle 


K. Gandhi 


In the Wake of 

Mechanisation IV-V ... 

c. s. 


Occasional notes 



Notes : 

Example Better than 


M. D. 


Wanton Destruction 

IN Bidar 

M. K. G. 


An Unjudicial Dictum 

M. K. G. 


'Printed and Published by Vithal Hari Barve at the Aryabhushan Press- 915/1 Fergusson College Road, Poona 4 
Sabscription Retei — INLATO ; One year, Ee. 4, Six montlw. Be. 2-8, POBXIOIT : One year, E». 5-8 or, 8 ih. or 2 $. 


VoL. vni, No. 13 ] POONA — SATURDAY, MAY 11, 1940 [ ONE ANNA 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

I had hoped that I would not have to say 
anything on Justice Nagesvara Iyer’s report 
into the allegations of ill-treatment of satyagrahi 
prisoners in Mysore. But the press criticism of 
the action of the State Congress in abstaining 
from participation in the inquiry demands an ex- 
planation from me. If it was wrong for the State 
Congress not to participate in the inquiry, the 
blame was mine. The inquiry was a result of 
Mahadev Desai’s visit to Mysore at the instance 
of the Dewan and the former’s confidential 
report to me of which a copy was given to 
the Dewan. Mahadev Desai had recommended 
an open judicial inquiry presided over by a judge 
of known integrity brought from outside. Instead 
there was only a departmental inquiry by a 
Mysore judge. I have been for some time guiding 
the Mysore Congress, and the Congress acted 
upon my advice in not leading evidence before 
a Mysore judge who could not, I felt, be wholly 
impartial in judging the conduct of officials 
with whom he must have come in close official 
contact. It was too much to expect an impartial 
scrutiny by one who had risen to the rank of 
a judge from being a Government official. 

The allegations were of a most serious chara- 
cter, and they were repeated in the presence 
of Mahadev Desai and before officials occupying 
the positions of Deputy Commissioner. District 
Superintendent of Police, Superintendent of Jail 
and so on. Those who made the allegations were 
volunteers, not criminals, and a few of them 
held high social positions. It is impossible to 
treat them as liars, as the report seems to 
have done. 

I am not yec in possession of the Judge’s 
report. What I have before me is a highly 
tcndencious summary of the report published by 
Government, interspersed by Government’s own 
statements of certain happenings and Justice 
Nagesvara Iyer’s comments on them in his 
report. It passes comprehension that the inquiry 
was continued when the complainants refused 
to appear before the officer. The judge should 
have dismissed the case for want of evidence. 
How he could have arrived at definite 
conclusions in the absence of material evidence 
it is difficult to say. The judge admits that 
“most of the persons who made accusations of 
assault and torture did not attempt to establish 
those charges,’’ but that he “had a large volume 

cr crai t'.nd dccunjeAtaiy evidence” adduced 

before him. What this “documentary” evidence 
was we do not know. The oral evidence was 
of people who had nothing to do with the in- 
quiry but were dragged by the police before the 
judge to prove the Government case. The judge 
says he has based his conclusions “ on such 
materials and broad probabilities”. This is hard- 
ly the language of a judge. No judge of inte- 
grity and impartiality would have cared to go 
into the extraneous evidence that Justice Nage- 
svara Iyer went into, and made uncalled for 
animadversions against satyagrahis for refusal to 
give evidence before him, when he knew that 
their reason in doing so was that they ques- 
tioned the competence, independence and im- 
partiality of the judge. Two paragraphs in the 
communique are devoted to proving that the 
leaders of the movement adopted questionable 
methods of sending out surreptitious letters from 
jails. What this has to do with allegations of 
torture one is at a loss to know. It would 
thus appear that, far from the inquiry being 
into any allegations by Congressmen, it became 
an inquiry into allegations by Government officials 
which the judge has supported without giving 
those against whom the allegations were made 
an opportunity to rebut them. 

My point, however, in referring to the un- 
fortunate inquiry is that the Mysore Congress 
acted under my advice. The judge’s biassed 
finding confirms me in the soundness of the 
opinion I gave them. As satyagrahis, the mem- 
bers of the Mysore Congress were not interested 
in the guilty parties being condemned. They 
were interested in the truth being known. The 
golden lid of the one-sided inquiry covers the 
truth. But they should have the truth that the 
lid will be lifted one day and the truth will 
be found. The exoneration of the nffiriglc may 
result in the hardening of their hearts and 
greater maltreatment of the prisoners t-hgn 
before. If such is the case, the prisoners should 
rejoice in their suflFerings and know that, if they 
bear them without malice, they will bring the 
local Congress nearer its goal. 

Sevagram, 7-5-40 

Two New Books 

Congress and War Crisis — (Published by A. I. 
C. C. Office ). Price Re. 1 + 2 As. Postage. 

Sandhya Meditations — Posthumous work of Deena> 
bandhu Andrews. Price Re. 1 + 2 As. Postage. 

Available at Harijan Office — (1) Poona 4; and 
(2) 81 Queen's Road, Bombay 2. 






1 .happened to preside over a conference of my 
castemen in Surat the other day, and friends 
were surprised that I should have consented to 
do so in spite of my life being a fiat contra- 
diction of any kind of belief in caste By 

caste, by the by, I do not mean vama or the 
four functional and occupational divisions of 
Hinduism, but the multitude of sub-divisions of 
these varnas which may originally have had 
some correspondence with guilds, but which 
later were encrusted with ail manner of restric- 
tions and limitations on marriage, social inter- 
course, and eating and drinking together. The 
caste I was born in, is one of the numerous sub- 
divisions of the original division of Brahmanas, 
and a few among us still observe, as against other 
sub-divisions and other Hindus, the restrictions 
I have mentioned. Before I consented to preside 
over the conference I made it clear to the 
friends who pressed me to do so that I held 
very strong views on the matter, and that I 
should be of little use to a conference of 
castemen. But I was told that it was to listen 
to those very views that they had invited me, 
and that I was free to say to them whatever 
I liked. 

There were, therefore, certain things I made 
absolutely clear in my address. I said that even 
varna as it -obtained today was a travesty of 
the original conception, and that the numerous 
sub-divisions were still worse travesties, that 
even the original varna was a functional social 
division, that there was no superiority or in- 
feriority attaching to the various functions, and 
that in ancient India there was plenty of inter- 
mixture by marriage and there were no restric- 
tions on interdining. I also explained that caste 
seemed to‘ me to have arisen out of the 
economic exigencies of the time, that it was 
essentially feudal in character, and that it 
certainly had nothing to do with religion. 
I also explained that, whilst we called ourselves 
Brabmanas, few only performed the func- 
tions of Brahmanas or had any of the quali- 
ties of the head and heart that are said to 
be the natural attributes of Brahmanas, and that 
Hindus of all varnas and castes could be fitly 
described only as Shoodras, if indeed they cared 
to apply the label of a varna to themselves. 
I also told them that, so far as our present 
practice went, many of us privately and some 
even publicly were infringing all the restrictions 
on interdining and even to a certain extent 
the restrictions on intermarriage. It was there- 
fore no use pretending that any restrictions were 
being observed. All castes were, therefore, no 
better than convenient social groups. Those 
groups existed in all societies' cyen in the West 
where there were no castes, and some kind of 
grouping will continue to exist until the end 
of time, but then it should hot be allowed to 
exist as anything but a social grouping. Sidney 
Low has said in his Vision of fndia : The 

crudities and cruelties of the caste system need 
not blind us to its other aspects. It provides 
every man with his place, his career, his occu- 
pation, his circle of friends. It makes him, at 
the outset, a member of a corporate bodji^ : 
protects him through life from the canker of 
social jealousy and unfulfilled aspirations; it 
ensures him companionship and a sense of com- 
munity with others in like case with himself. 
The caste organization is to the Hindu his club, 
his trade union, his benefit society, his philan- 
thropic society.” This is true, and to the extent 
that it serves as a club or a benefit society or 
a philanthropic society it serves a useful func- 
tion and shoulders part of the social burden of 
India. If Bhatiyas, for instance, looked after the 
social, educational and medical needs of their 
own group, that meant so much the less burden 
on India. And if castes took upon themselves 
the task of self- purification by purging them- 
selves of all ugly customs and practices, it 
would mean fulfilment of part of the duty that 
Hinduism owes to itself and India. 

The corollary from this was the obvious one 
that castes could exist only to the extent that 
they were not anti-social and to the extent 

that they subserved the national ideal, and 

remained only as convenient social groups. 
They may have their own educational institu- 
tions, but they should be flung open to all 

Hindus including Harijans, restriction on the 
number of those outside the group being allow- 
ed. They need not convert themselves into 
political groups and address themselves, as such, 
to political activities any more than Labour 
Unions, or Kisan Sabhas, or such other groups 
do; but even their existence in a restricted 
character would be futile if they did not 
support the activities of the Congress, especial- 
ly its constructive programme. At any rate 
I could serve no useful purpose as their presi- 
dent if our castemen could not decide to make 
that contribution. 

For two days we discussed the position, and 
I am glad to be able to say that the Confer- 
ence passed two resolutions of a far-reaching 
character, so far as the institution of “ caste ” 
goes. I have gone into the question in some 
detail because what I said at Surat applies to 
all the thousand and one castes in Hinduism 
which arc today so many stagnant pools or 
stinking wells and have got to be dredged and 
purified in order that they may be so many 
rivers contributing their share to the ocean 
of Hinduism. Here arc the two resolutions : 

** 1. Whereas all the castes in Hinduism, though 
claiming to be based on religion, have really nothing 
.to do with religion but are only convenient social 
groups, this conference resolves that it should be 
the goal pf the Anavil community to purge itself 
of all the ugly practices obtained therein and to 
merge' itself into the great comnunity of Hindus; 
this conference also resolves that it accepts the 
Congress goal of the attainment of independence by 
means of truth and non-violence, and that all the- 
activities of the community will, far from being 


prejudicial to the goal, contribute to the attainment 
of that goal. 

2. This conference accords its hearty support to 
the constructive programme of the Congress, viz. 
khadi and village industrieso abolition of untouch- 
ability, communal unity, prohibition, and appeals to 
ail the members of the community to make a solid 
contribution to the cause of the Congress by carry- 
ing out ail these items in their daily life.” 

Though these resolutions were passed by an 
overwhelming majority, there being only two or 
three dissentients to the first resolution, I do 
not pretend to believe that the conference in 
any way represented the 50,000 odd people des- 
cribing themselves as Anavil Brahmans and living 
in a few hundred villages of the Surat district. 
But they strike a new departure and, if every 
village can adopt the resolutions, it would mean 
a great step forward. Whatever may be the 
case, they indicate the direction of reform for 
all the groups known as “castes” in India. 

There were a number of other resolutions also 
dealing with the particular social abuses in the 
community — dowry system, forced gifts of money 
and material by parents of the bride to the 
parents of the bridegroom, both before and 
after marriage, and so on. The conference 
labelled these as barbarous and shameful, and 
appealed to young men and women, not yet 
married, to sign pledges to have nothing to 
do with these practices. There were resolutions 
appealing to the members to preserve the reli- 
gious character of various ceremonies by refusing 
to burden them with pomp and wasteful expendi- 
ture, and also appealing to parents and guardians 
to encourage marriages of child-widows, and to 
afford all facilities to grown-up widows intend- 
ing to marry again. There was, however, nothing 
distinctive about these resolutions, and all 
communities do have resolutions nowadays on 
these or similar lines. 

Sevagram, 7-5-40 M. D. 


When Gandhiji was shown Reuter’s cable of 
Sir Hugh O’Neill’s statement, he said his posi- 
tion was absolutely clear. The only authority 
that can possibly convene a preliminary con- 
ference of elected leaders is the British Govern- 
ment, and they will do so and find out the 
ways and means when they have made up 
their mind to part with power and recognise 
the right of India to frame the charter of her 
own freedom. 

Sevagram, 3-5-40 


The Central Office of the Harijan Sevak Sangh 
will award a few scholarships to Harijan girls from 
Bihar, U. P. and Rajputana studying in high school 
classes. A few scholarships are also available for 
Harijan students going in for vocational and indus- 
trial study from various provinces and states. 
Applications for the same will be received on or 
before IQth June 1940 on prescribed application 
forms which can be had from the Office of the 
Harijan Sevak Sangh, Kingsway, Delhi. 

' Shyamual, 

Asst. Secretary, Harijan Sevak Sangh 

^, 177 r'i nr'-- , - t ' j -' 

^ U /JjO ^ -C- 

( By M. K. ) 


Q. You can do Harijan work, you can orga- 
nise khadi and village industries, bur when it 
comes to Hindu-Muslim unity, you find many 
excuses for not organising it. 

A. This charge has been brought against me 
by several Muslim correspondents unknown to 
ooeo But larterly It has been repeated with 
considerable by who knows me 

intimately. The complainant challenges me to 
deal with the charge in Harijan. There can be 
no comparison between Harijans and Muslims. 
I owe a debt to Harijaiis in need of any assist- 
ance that can be given to them, Harijan work 
is humanitarian work. Muslims stand in no need 
of my humanitarianism. They are a powerful 
community standing in no such need. Any work 
done for Muslims after the Harijan style will be 
resented. To cite khadi and village industries 
against me is thoughtless. These can be organised 
and are organised for all who will care to profit 
by them. As a matter of fact both Hindus and 
Muslims, and indeed others too, profit by these 
activities. Hindu-Muslim unity stands on its own 
footing. I have tried and am still trying to do 
my share of the work. I may have achieved no 
visible success, but I have no doubt that the 
direction in which I am working is the right 
one and is bound to lead us to the goal, 

Bidar an^ Biba^ 

Q. You feel keenly about Bidar. You ask for 
justice about it and you want Muslims outside 
Hyderabad to see that justice is done. Do you 
feel equally keenly if Muslims are ill-treated as 
they were in Bihar? 

A. I do not know what the exact reference 
to Bihar is. All I can say is that not one 
single case of maltreatment of Muslims by 
Hindus having been reported to me has remain- 
ed without investigation by me. This has been 
my practice since the days of the Khilafat. I 
have not always succeeded in finding the truth 
or of giving satisfaction to the aggrieved parties 
that I had done my best. The Bihar charge is 
too vague to be answered more fully. If a 
particular instance were mentioned, I should be 
able to say what I had done about it. But 
supposing that I had failed in my duty to do 
justice, supposing further that I did not “feel 
equally keenly about Hindu injustice to Muslims”, 
would that justify indifference about Bidar? I 
have said that there is nothing like Bidar in 
all the previous cases of Hindu-Muslim clashes, 
assuming of course that the allegations we made 
were true. All I have asked is that full justice 
and reparation should be made through a tribunal 
admittedly impartial. My proposal in the case of 
Bidar should be applicable to all such cases. 

Sevagram, 6-5-40 

Mahatma Gandhi 

By S. Radhakrishnan. (New Edition) Rs. 5-10-0. 
Postage 7 As. Available at Harijan office-Poona 4, 
and 67 & 81 Qneen’s Road, Bombay 2. 


(By M. K. Gandhi) 

As soon as I read- the extraordinary commu- 
nique of the Commissioner of Ajmer, I asked 
for proof from the workers in Ajmer in sup- 
port of their charges. It seems to me that in 
every single particular the charges are supported 
by documentary evidence. I have now in my 
possession copies of the relevant documents 
including a blue-print showing where the so- 
called Ajmer fort is, where the wall on whose 
bastion the Congress flag was flown, is. The 
statement giving a categorical denial of all the 
allegations of the Ajmer Commissioner is pub- 
lished below. From it, it would appear that the" 
Commissioner is prejudiced against the Congress. 

1. The ground including the wall and a 
portion behind it is in the possession of the 
Municipal Council as lessee. 

2. Permission was duly received by the khadi 
workers for the use of the ground for exhibition. 

3. No separate permission for flying the flag 
is or has ever been considered necessary. 

4. The Municipal Council even voted Rs, 51 
towards the expenses of the exhibition. 

5. The Ajmer fort is a well-defined struc- 
ture. It is at present used for the kotwali, etc. 
It is undoubtedly a protected monument and in 
possession of the Government. The outer wall 
is dilapidated and is included in the ground 
leased to the Municipal Council and is going to 
be demolished by them. 

6. There was no complaint brought before 
the workers against the hoisting of the flag on 
the wall. It could give no offence to anybody. 
The Ajmer Council contains Muslim members. 
The decision to give permission to hold the 
exhibition on the ground was unanimous. 
Muslims freely visited the exhibition. Well-known 
Muslims attended the party given to Seth 
Jamnalalji although they knew that the flag was 
hoisted on the outer wall. . 

I have seen many denials by officials of un- 
comfortable popular charge sheets. But it is 
hard to beat the unblushing distortions by the 
■Commissioner of Ajmer. He has not added to 
British prestige. If ever a case was clearly made 
out for civil disobedience, surely the Ajmer one 
is such a case. I refrain because of the turbid 
atmosphere and because I wish to take no 
action that will precipitate a crisis. The workers 
in Ajmer have done well to exercise self- 
restraint in the face of the gravest provocation. 
This case demands serious notice by the Central 
authority. In my opinion nothing short of the 
removal of the Commissioner from the high 

office he occupies will meet the requiremerus 
of justice. 

It may be argued that the Commissioner of 
Ajmer is no worse than many such officials who 
do much worse things with impunity, me 
argument ■ is sound. But many thieves escape 
with impunity because of want of conclusive 
evidence. When, however, one is caught red- 
handed, it is well to deal with him and give 
satisfaction to the injured public. Lord Curzon 
had his grave limitations. But he believed in 
justice being done and eberefore had no hesita- 
tion in acting sternly and promptly when a 
proved case came under his observation. Preven- 
tion of civil disobedience, I believe, is common 
cause between the Government and the Congress. 
The latter will resort to it when it is clearly 
inevitable, if, that is to say, the Congress is 
ready, I am leaving no stone unturned to 
prevent it. But if the executive officials behave 
as the Ajmer Commissioner seems to have done, 
no effort on my part may prevent a conflagra- 

On the 29th ultimo, being the last Sunday ot 
the month, all over the country there was 
Jhandci Vandan. In Ajmer too the Congress had 
advertised the function to take place in the 
Town Hall compound. But this time the 
Commissioner, who is also the District Magis- 
trate, prohibited the use of the Town Hall 
compound for the purpose. It is debatable 
whether he had any legal right to prohibit the 
use of the municipal ground in the manner he 
did. But for the moment it is not relevant. The 
fact of the issue of the order is relevant to 
show the bias the Commissioner has against the 
Congress. The matter was referred to me by 
the telephone, and I advised the Congressmen 
to obey the order and not attempt to hold the 
meeting even elsewhere. But if the Commissioner 
is intent upon provoking a quarrel, I suppose 
he will not be happy till he has succeeded. 

Sevagram, 6-5-40 

[The following is the statement referred to 
in the foregoing. Ed. Hakijan] 

1. The exhibition was organised by the Raja- 
sthan Charkha Sangh and not by the Ajmer 
Congress as suggested in the communique. The 
grounds on which the exhibition was held are 
in possession of the Municipality. Whether 
they arc Nazul or not is irrelevant. Permission 
was duly taken from the Municipal Committee 
for the use of the ground. A portion was 
utilised for the exhibition proper and the remain- 
ing portion was fitted with loud speakers for 
holding public meetings in connection with the 

. 2. The Commissioner, who is also District 
Magistrate, has throughout been hostile to 
national activity. For instance, he demanded 
security even for issuing a khadi patrika, a pro- 
cedure never adopted anywhere. He would not 
allow, the use of the Anasagar Bund for a. party 
to be held in honour of Seth Jamnalal Bajaj. 

May li, 1940 ] 


3. Only three public speeches vreie made in 
connection with the eshibition and not for 
political purposes. The Srst meeting was in 
connection with the opening ceremony performed 
by Seth Jamnalai Bajaj. Ssthji spoke on khadi, 
and also pointed out the unhappy position of 
Ajmer Merwara. He criticised the mentality of 
the Commissioner, who is also the District 
Magistrate, in demanding security for publishing 
the khadi patrika. I also spoke. I drew attention 
to the editorial note published in Tlte Hindustan 
Times, and said that it was established beyond 
doubt that Mr. Hallowes was suffering from 
neurosis. I criticised the two acts of the Com- 
missioner. Next day, another meeting was addressed 
by Shrimati Parvati Devi Deedwania, a prominent 
Congress worker of Delhi and an ex-president 
of the Delhi Congress Committee. She spoke 
on khadi generally but made a particular refer- 
ence to the happening of the Jallianwala Bagh 
and exhorted the audience to obtain freedom 
for India. I deny that the speeches were 

4. The exhibition grounds were situated out- 
side the boundaries of the police kotwali but 
adjacent to it. The police barracks are also 
situated inside the kotwali. 

5. The flag was no doubt hoisted on a 

bastion on an old outer wall surrounding the 
Moghul Palace. This wall is on Government land, 
but this land, including the wall, has been leased 
by Government to the Municipality and, is under 
the possession of the Municipality. The Munici- 
pality has been lending its use to different 

associations for holding tournaments and had 
allowed the municipal staff club to utilize it as 
their sports ground. This last step was objected 
to by the Commissioner not on the ground 

that the land was not in the possession of the 
Municipality but because it “luas made over to 
the Municipal Committee by the Government for 
the purpose of a public garden.” Mr. Hallowes 
himself says in this letter, “ These are the terms 
on which it was leased to the Municipal Com- 
mittee. ” As far back as 1938, the Municipal 
Chairman ( who was Mr. Burtt, Superintending 
Engineer, Punjab, nominated by the local Govern- 
ment) suggested that the wall should be 

demolished in order to enable the Municipality 

to extend the magazine garden. His suggestion 
was accepted by the Commissioner who, after 
consulting the Superintending Engineer, New 
Delhi, informed the Committee that the rampart 
could be demolished. 

6. The wall does not form part of the 
kotwali police station. It is altogether an outer 
wall outside the main wall of the Moghul 
Palace and wholly unconnected with it. If demo- 
lished, it will not expose the kotwali which is 
'.surrounded by the main wall as shown on the 
plan. Even the police witnesses have not said 
that the wall is a part of the kotwali. 

7. No separate permission for hoisting the 
^National Flag has been ever required. The 

National Flag is a component part of all nation- 
al activities. The flag was hois-red in the 
previous khadi exhibition held sin months ago in 
the Town Hal! grounds which are also under 
the control of the Municipality. The question 
of seeking permission from Governmer-c for hebt- 
ing the National Flag on the wall, therefore, 
does not arise. 

8. The wall on which the flag was hoisted 
is not at ali the rampart of the “ancient 
Moghul Focz” as has be.-.:; claimed. A's a matter 

of fact, the ancient Moghul Fort was not a fort 
but the fortified palace of Emperor Akbar. It 
was converted into an arsenal by the British 
Government and was fortified during the mutiny 
of 1857. It is at present used as Tehsildar’s 
courts, S. P. C. A. Refuge, veterinary hospital, 
and museum, etc. No sanctity attaches to the 
wall ; otherwise Mr. Burtt would never have 
requested the Government for permission to 
demolish it on the ground that it was “ of no 
historical importance”. Had it been considered 
a “ protected monument”, the Superintending 
Engineer, Government of India, would certainly 
have taken objection to the suggestion and 
would not have agreed to its demolition. The 
opinion of the Superintending Engineer was 
endorsed by Mr. Hallowes himself [as mention- 
ed in (1) above]. The fort inside is a protect- 
ed monument, but not the rampart wall whose 
demolition has been allowed by the Government, 

9. The flag itself could not cause any offence 
to anybody. The National Flag has been hoist- 
ed in Ajmer on so many occasions, several times 
in the Town Hall grounds, but no objection 
was ever taken on the pretext of annoyance. 

10. Muslims attended the opening ceremony 
and visited the exhibition in very large numbers. 
Some prominent Muslims attended the garden 
party given to Seth Jamnalai Bajaj. The National 
Flag was fiying on the wall all the time. No 
complaint was received from the Muslims or 
from anybody by the organisers of the exhibi- 
tion about the National Flag. Among the 
Muslims who attended the garden party were 
Maulvi Abdul Rashid, Junior Vice-Chairman of 
the Ajmer Municipality and a Municipal Com- 
missioner elected on the Muslim League Ticket, 
and Messrs Zahural Hassan and Abdul Aziz 
Khan, both Municipal Commissioners. 

11- The Municipal Committee unanimously 
passed a resolution contributing Rs. 51 for the 
khadi exhibition. The Muslim League members 
of the Municipality also supported the resolu- 
tion. The relations between the communities 
have been generally happy. It is wholly wrong 
for the Commissioner to suggest that the flying of 
the flag from the “ ramparts of an ancien t 
Moghul Fort which is a protected monument “ 
caused grave offence to a certain section of 
the public. 

Krishna Gopal Garg 
Secretary, Khadi & Village Industries 
Exhibition, Ajmer 

ll ASI J* AS 

[ may il, 1940 

12 '^ 


Th© Ck'kx of the Maiteir 

The latest issues of the Hansard received by 
air mail bring to light severs? aspects of the 
recent India debate in the Parliament of which 
the carefully edited summaries cabled by Reuter ' 
gave one no idea. For instance, it is interesting 
£0 learn that a thinking and by no means 
uninfluential section of the Hoiise has begun 
to show a growing appreciation of the Indian 
demand for Independence. Sir George Schuster 
made it quite clear in his speech that the only 
reasonable course for Britain was to leave it to 
India alone to decide as to how her future 
constitutional status shall be known. Not only 
that, it should be England’s concern to set 
India on her own foundations in the world* 

I care very little,” he observed, “ as to 
whether the words used by the Indians are 
Independence or Dominion Status, because, if 
we face realities, it must be clear that, if India 
reaches a stage in her own development 
when she is strong enough to stand on the 
foundations of her own strength in the world, 
then nothing can keep her bound within the 
British Commonwealth, if the united wish of 
the Indian people is to withdraw. What 
meaning has Dominion Status as a barrier ? I 
am quite prepared to face that and more than 
that, I am prepared to say that we should do 
all we possibly can to help India to acquire 
the strength to stand on her own foundations 
in the world.” But of course,” Sir George 
went on to remark, “ having said that, 
Indians cannot expect us to say we look 
forward to the independence of India as a 
goal, because our hope must be that, though 
capable of independence, she should remain of 
her own free will a member of the British 
Commonwealth.” Sir George claims himself to 
be a shrewd realist. But one cannot help feel- 
ing that for once, at any rate, old Homer has 
been found nodding ! Nationalist India has never 
held that independence excludes free association 
with Britain; on the contrary our contention 
all along has been that it is a necessary step 
towards it. Britain, by identifying herself with 
India’s cherished political aspiration will not be 
negativing her own ideal of a free Common- 
wealth of nations, as Sir George fears. On the 
contrary, thus alone can be forged bonds which, 
as a British statesman remarked at the Imperial 
Conference of 1916, had need to be " while 
stronger than steel,* as light as silk” and which 
alone can hold Britain and India together. 
The crux of the question that faces Britain 
today really is not whether India is to have 
her independence or not,- but .whether Indian 
independence is to come through the willing 
recognition of Britain or. in the teeth of her 

' A Welcome Note 

Sir Stanley Reed’s speech, while containing 
aeveial obsexvations that invite a challenge^ 

struck the right note when he remarked : 

“ I urge with all the emphasis I can that v;e ■ 
should not be lulled into a sense of false optimism by 
the comparative quiescence of political feeling in the 
last six months, but rather seize this opportunity to 
press on with any conceivable scheme which will 
bring the parties together and lay down the princi- 
ples of a constitution which can be worked,” 

It is essential, ” he continued, that this House 
should make up its mind that this work must be 
done in India by an elected body, carrying the 
confidence of all classes and all major interests. 

Equally welcome was the admission that the 
initiative in this respeoc had i:‘o come from 
Britain. After referring to the various alterna- 
tive proposals for setting up a machinery to 
apply the principle of self-determination to India,;. 
Sir Stanley proceeded: 

“ I would urge that no stone should be left 
unturned to get together some body in India, 
representing as wide interests as possible, to sit 
down and grapple with this matter. I think we 
should say that we are not in the least frightened 
by the bogey of Independence aMiough we ask 
Indian politicians to look East and^ West and North, 
and say what that ‘ Independence ’ would be worth, 
without association with the Commonwealth, and to 
give the definite assurance that if there is a sub- 
stantial measure of agreement in India on the basic 
changes in the constitution, tliis Parliament will nut 
hesitate, even amid the preoccupations of the war. 
or with a time limit of not more than 12 months 
after the termination of Ihe war, to implement these 
conclusions in an Act in full confidence and with 
the hope that it will lead, as we believe it will, to 
the greater prosperity and contentment of that land.’ 

Sophistries Ai^swered 

It was. however, left to Mr. Sorensen to clinch 
the issue with regard to Indian independence, 
A spate of sophistries had been indulged in. 
during the debate, by the former Secretary of 
State, Mr. Wedgwood Benn, and others. The 
former had even tried to make the neutral 
world believe that Dominion Status of the 
Westminster variety was identical with Indepen- 
dence, and that it was sheer unreasoning obsti- 
nacy on India’s part to have rejected the same, 
Mr. Sorensen challenged the honesty of that 
statement. It was a question of plain morality, 
so far as England was concerned, to unhesitat- 
ingly concede India’s claim to full independence : 

”The Under Secretary of State said quite categori- 
cally that India could never expect independence .... 

I am not a lawyer, but I rather understand that 
from the days when the Statute of Westminster- 
was passed it has been possible for some of our 
Dominions to claim such sovereign rights that they 
can entirely secede from organic connection with the 
rest of the Empire. If there is that possibility 
under the Statute of Westminster, will the Under 
Secretary say so ? ... I quite agree tliat words can 
be used to mean anything or nothing .... Some people- 
use the word * Independence ’ in a far less rigid 
sense than others, and * Dominion Status ’ is so* 
ambiguous that it may mean something in this 
House and something else to people outside. I think, 
it should be frankly recognised that Indians will 
insist Ion securing independence according to their 
own interpretation, and surely we wish for nothing 
else. If we wish for anything else, we are acting 
wholly inconsistent with our professions in this war.*^’ 

May 11, 1940 ] 

T, -'f 7 

He gave no quarter to tiiose ^rho were inclined 
to exploit the coromnnai problem. “It must be 
recognised/* he gently pointed our, ''that there 
■ are some people who are a little overeager to 
seize on the admitted communal difficulties in 
India as an excuse either for refusing any fur- 
rher deveiopmeni towards Indian self-government 
or for justifying their claim that independence 
can nex^er be granted to India because of internal 
disruption and other dangers.” Applying the 
criterion of India's status with regard to the 
War, to the question under debate, Mr, Sorensen 
proceeded : 

“ Whatever may be our views, Tand even though 
'vve may have profound regret that India is not 
acting in the way we would like her to do, that 
is not the point. The point is that India is a free 
people in her own mind, if not legally. Rightly or 
wrongly, she has come to the conclusion that she 
was not consulted at the beginning of the war and 
yet was involved in it, and that whatever may be 
xhe lip service we pay to freedom in India, we do 
not intend to treat India as a sovereign nation able 
by her own volition to decide, as other Dominions 
do, her own coarse of action in the future. We 
have to go a long way yet in order to appreciate 
what that standpoint means. It is natural for us, 
because we are British and not Indian, to feel that 
India should not have taken this course, but if 
we brush Indian opinion on one side merely because 
it is not our opinion, virtually we do the same 
thing as has been done to Denmark, Norway, 
Finland, Poland, and Czechoslovakia. Those countries 
have been dominated by an alien will and have been 
told that they must accept the position for their 
own good, or because it is a natural*' necessity of 
.'the situation. These countries resent that. 

The Indians are in the same position. They say 
^that whatever the English may feel about the matter 
and whatever plausible or genuine explanations the 
English may advance, the fact remains that the 
Indians are under an alien will, and the British 
are determined that they shall remain under 
it. Judging from certain statements made by 
the Under Secretar 3 ^ this afternoon, - it would 
seem as if we are going to say to the 
Indian people: * You shall be free provided you 
agree with us, and so long as you do not claim 
the right to secede from the British Empire; when 
you do or intend to do that, you shall not be free.* 
We would not tolerate such action by Germany 
towards Denmark. I have a natural interest in 
Denmark as my name indicates, Denmark will never 
tolerate Germany saying ultimately, ‘ You shall be 
free provided you do not wish to break away from 
our domination over you. ’ That is precisely the 
position in India, and the more we appreciate it 
the better.” 

These were the utterances of no irresponsible 
firebrand with extra-territorial loyalties, or a 
fifth columnist saboteur. Underlying them was 
a burning patriotism and love of democracy 
which was exceeded only by an abhorrence of 
Nazism and all that it stands for. It was the 
outspokenness of a patriot who sincerely believ- 
ed that it was a war of principles his country 
was engaged in, and that to defeat Nazism 
*^broad it was necessary that England should 
renounce Nazi methods at home first. 

“ It may be said, ** remarked Mr. Sorensen, that 
I ought not to say these things because they will 
be used by the enemy. But surely we have not 

come to the stage where, through ?aar of our -voice 
being misinterpreted or maliciously' aged by the 
Germans, ws should not let it be heard in zhe rest 
of the world. We have today to raise cur voice cn 
behalf of democracy more vigorously than ever 
before .... We have to say to the world what v-e 
know and what we believe, even though it may 
sometimes mean the exposure of our xveakness. In 
the long run, honesty is the best political policy.... 
The Congress has declared that it is preparing for 
civil disobedience and non-cooperation. It is use- 
less for the Under Secretary to say that we shall? 
rot ho deterred i3y threats cf that desersption, for 
Indians can also say they too will not be deterred 
by threats. People with high principles are prepared 
to go through unlimited suffering for what they 
believe to be true.. ..If, at this time when democracy 
is challenged, we are prepared to implement our 
promise and establish freedom and independence 
in India, we shall be doing more than anything 
within imagination to win India and awaken the 
peoples of the world to the realities of democracy 
and freedom. Involved as we are in this struggle 
for democracy and freedom of nations and peoples, 
we must of necessity demonstrate our consistency. 
Our enemy makes a great deal of our inconsistency, 
but surely the best answer is not to evade what 
he says or ^ to abuse him, but to remove the 

Sevagram, 6-5-40 PyareSal 


It was a sultry night and our carriage was 
crowded to suflfocation. Those who could not 
sleep beguiled the tedium of the hours by 
talking, and their ceaseless chatter kept awake 
those who did try to sleep. There need have 
been no stuffiness while the train was in motion, 
but there were some near the windows who 
said that they would rather be suffocated than 
have the coal-dust. I would open the window 
when I found that the other fellow was half 
sleepy, and he would shut it when he found 
that I was too sleepy to notice it 

We had thus no real sleep until about 2 
o’clock in the morning, and out of sheer 
exhaustion we fell off to sleep. But at about 
3 or 3-30 came a hefty Sikh shouting and 

storming. He managed to find some room on the 
upper bank, but was too bulky and long to be 
comfortable there. So he got down and shouted 
to one of the passengers to get up and 

make room for him. This friend, a Parsi, made 
room for him without the slightest reluctance. 
But the Sikh said : ' You better get right up,’ — 
he was still stretching himself half-length— 
•you have been sleeping all night. It is nearly 
four o’clock, and you” must leave me enough 
room to lie down.’ 

This evidently the other friend was not willing 

to do, as he had no sleep until 2 o’clock. The 

Sikh shouted : ‘ But will you get up or shall 
I summon the Station Master?’ 

The Parsi young man remained quiet without 
budging from his seat. But the Sikh friend 
had now attracted others who joined Him in 
the shouting, and the hubbub brought a station 
official in. He saw the situation in a moment 
and very politely began; td evetyon^ to move 



[May 11, 1940' 

tlown a little and to make some more room for 
the Sikh, That, however, was not enough for 
the latter. He wanted to make an impression. 
He looked suspidonsly at the Parsi friend and 
asked him "■ ‘ Kow far are you going ?’ 

The Parsi friend gently replied: ‘To Bombay." 
‘Where are you coming from?" 

‘yrom Wardha," 

‘ Have you got a ticket ? Let the Station 
Master find out first if you have got a ticket. 

I will then see how you stick to your seat. ’ 
The conversation was going on so far in 
Hindi. The Parsi friend, who had kept amac- 
ingly cool, now said in English : ’ What do you 
mean? What business have you to ask me to 
show my ticket? What right have you?’ 

The Sikh, finding that this friend was civilised 
enough to talk English, slightly lowered his 
tone now, and said: ‘I did not ask you to 
show me your ticket. I wanted the station 
official to find out if you had a ticket.’ 

The Parsi: ‘But you asked me first if I had 
a ticket. And even if you wanted the station 
official to find out if I had a ticket, what 
business had you to suggest that I might be 
travelling without a ticket ? ’ 

The Sikh friend offered a straight blunt 
explanation : ‘You said you were travelling from 
Wardha. You have no bed-roll. You are lying 
down on a miserable sheet. From your looks 
I suspected you might not have a ticket.’ 

With perfect composure the Parsi friend said : 

‘ You are now adding insult to the injury, sir. 
All you will judge a man from is his dress 
and his looks ? ’ 

‘ No, I do not,’ said the Sikh. ‘ You are 
travelling from Wardha. If you had cheap 
khadi on, I should not have questioned you.’ 

‘Then what do you see on my person? Don’t 
you see that every bit of the cloth on me is 
khadi ? ’ 

He was wearing a coloured suit of khadi check, 
but the Sikh friend having never worn khadi 
evidently did not know that there could be 
coloured. khadi. But he stuck to his guns, and 
said: ‘But this sheet you are lying down on is 
mill-cloth and not khadi I' 

The Parsi youth said: ‘I confess it is not, 
but what has that to do with my having a 
ticket or not?’ 

‘ No. ’ said the Sikh, ‘ but how can a man 
perform a long journey without a good bedding? 
And seeing that you bad just a sheet and nothing 
else 1 suspected that you might be like many 
of those who travel without a ticket on this 
train.’ The Sikh friend again forgot that in the 
hot season a yquth would not think of having 
anything more than a sheet to spread on the 
seat. But he now shifted his ground. ' You,’ he 
said, ‘being from Wardha, how can you afford 
to lose your temper? You arc a yoimg man, I 

am much older, and so I asked you to make" 
room for me, but you flew into a rage i ’ 

‘Is that correct?’ asked the Parsi friend. ‘I 
actually made room for you. It is you who 
stormed and raged and even suggested that I 
might not have a ticket. Don’t worry what a 
man from Wardha should wear and how he 
should behave. Think of yourself and please 
don’t forget that a blow with a word sometimes 
cuts deeper than a blow with a sword. That 
is the blow you gave me.’ 

The Sikb was nonplussed but he still insisted 
that the Parsi frieiuJ’s behaviour was unworthy 
of one coming from Wardha. There was no one 
else in the compartment wearing khadi, and so 
the Sikh was in ‘ good ’ company. His neighbour 
now took up the cudgels on his behalf and 
said : ‘ You arc perhaps coming from Gandhiji’s 
ashram ? ’ 

‘ What if I did ? ’ 

‘If you do, you ought not to lose your 
temper. They practise ahimsa there. ’ 

‘ I see,’ said the Parsi friend gently. ‘ I was 
on a visit there and do not belong to the 

The fault was first of Wardha, then of the 
Gandhi Ashram; the first charge was that the 
youth was not wearing khadi, then that he 
was not using a khadi sheet, and again that he 
had lost his temper. The Government expect 
satyagrahis to suffer insults, abuse, kicks, lathi 
blows without a word. If they do so, they are 
expected to bear shooting without flinching. 
If they fail to do so, they arc no satyagrahis. 
Even so it is Wardha that has to keep the 
whole code : spin, wear khadi, lose no temper, 
preserve truth and non-violence in thought, 
word and deed. These ‘ non-Wardiia-mcn’ thus 
want the ‘Wardha- men’ to win Independence for 
them. They will enjoy it all right, but the code 
has to be kept by Wardha, and no one else ! 

Sevagram. 6-5-40 M. D. 

To Correspondents and Message-seekers 
In spite of my notice in Harijan of Decem- 
ber 23rd those who can spare roe continue to 
write and ask for messages. I would refer them 
to the notice for fuller explanation. I know 
several intimate friends have not received acknow- 
ledgments or messages. They will forgive me, 
I have to harden my heart if I am to cope 
with the responsibility I am carrying. And what 
can be better than that I should commence with 
known friends? 

Sevagram, 15-1-40 M. K. G. 

CONTEN'rS Page • 

A One-sided Inquiry 
Our Castes 
Gandhiji’s Statement 
Question Box 

Occasional Notes 
Unworthy of Wardha! 

M. K. Gandhi 121 
M. D. 122 

M. K. Gandhi 123 
M. K. Gandhi 124 
Pyarelal 126 
M. D. 127 

Printed and Published by Vithal Hari Barve at the Aiyabhudian Press. 915/1 Fergusson Coflege Road. Poona ♦ 
•■^••■****** “ hn-ABB : Om yeu. Be. 4, Six months, Bi. *-«, FOBXiaH : One yesr, E*. 6-8 or, 8 ah. or 1 8. 


No. B 3092 


'VoL. Vin, No. 14 1 POONA — SATURDAY, MAY 18, 1940 [ ONE ANNA 


(Bj; M. iC. Gandhi') 

Democracy and Non-violence 

Q. Why do you say, “Democracy can only be 
saved through non-violence ” ? ( The questioner 
is an American friend. ) 

A. Because democracy, so long as it is sus- 
tained by violence, cannot provide for or protect 
the weak. My notion of democracy is that 
under it the weakest should have the same 
opportunity as the strongest. That can never 
happen except through non-violence. No country 
in the world today shows any but patronising 
regard for the weak. The weakest, you say, go 
to the wall. Take your own case. Your land 
is owned by a few capitalist owners. The same 
is true of South Africa. These large holdings 
cannot be sustained except by violence, veiled if 
not open. Western democracy, as it functions 
today, is diluted Nazism or Fascism. At best it 
is merely a cloak to hide the Nazi and the 
Fascist tendencies of imperialism. Why is there 
the war today, if it is not for the satisfaction 
of the desire to share the spoils ? It was not 
through democratic methods that Britain bagged 
India. What is the meaning of South African 
democracy ? Its very constitution has been drawn 
to protect the white man against the coloured 
man, the natural occupant. Your own history is 
perhaps blacker still, in spite of what the 
Northern States did for the abolition of slavery. 
The way you have treated the negro presents 
a discreditable record. And it is to save such 
democracies that the war is being fought ! There 
is something very hypocritical about it. I am 
thinking just now in terms of non-violence and 
trying to expose violence in its nakedness. 

India is trying to evolve true democracy, i. e. 
without violence. Our weapons are those of 
satyagraha expressed through the charkha, the 
village industries, primary education through 
handicrafts, removal of untouchability, communal 
harmony, prohibition, and non-violent organisa- 
tion of labour as in Ahmedabad. These mean 
mass ejBFort and mass education. We have big 
agencies for conducting these activities. They are 
purely voluntary, and their only sanction is 
service of the lowliest. 

This is the permanent part of the non-violent 
effort. From this effort is created the capacity 
to offer non-violent resistance called non-coopera- 
tion and civil disobedience which may culminate 
in mass refusal to pay rent and taxes. As you 

know, we Lave tried non-cooperaLion and civil 
disobedience on a fairly large scale and fairly 
successfully. The experiment has in it promise 
of a brilliant future. As yet our resistance has- 
been that of the weak. The aim is to develop 
the resistance of the strong. Your wars will 
never ensure safety for democracy. India’s 
experiment can and will, if the people come up 
to the mark or, to put it another way, if 
God gives me the necessary wisdom and 
strength to bring the experiment to fruition. 


Q. I agree with you that those who do not 
believe in the tests laid down by you for 
enrolment as satyagrahis should not hold ofifice 
in the Congress organisation. What is, however, 
happening is that, while embargo upon disbelief 
has been effective, hypocrisy is enjoying a 
premium. People who have nothing in common 
with your programme are coming forward 
with the satyagraha pledge in order to capture 
power, their only qualification being lack of 
scruples. Can you as General of the satyagraha 
army shut your eyes to this ? If not, what 
remedy do you propose ? 

A. I suppose Cowper not knowing how to 
deal with the hypocrite paid him a compliment 
by saying that “ hypocrisy was an ode to virtue.’ 
And so it is. But the gentlemen whom you 
refer to will soon discover their error either 
by my sensing the hypocrisy and not starting 
the struggle, or by their being tired of a role 
which requires labour from them. Meanwhile 
I must take everyone at his or her word, and 
believe that those who have taken the pledge 
have done so in good faith, I have no right 
to question anybody’s motive unless I have 
proof positive to the contrary. 

Defence of India Act 

Q. The resolution passed at Ramgarh says 
that •* Congressmen and those under the Congress 
influence cannot help in the prosecution of the 
War with men, money or materials.” Every 
resolution of the Congress has to be explained 
to the people by Congressmen and Congress 
committees. If we do that, we are sure to 
offend the provisions of the Defence of India 
Act, i. e. we will be committing an act of civil 
disobedience before you as General have given 
the word. What are we to do under the 
circumstances ? 

A. I am not quite sure that you will 
commit an offence against the Defence of India 

Act nsreiy by explaining tbe resolution to the 
people. But you can easily put yourself under 
it by adding ‘ginger’ to your explanation and 
delivering a first class harangue against British 
rule. In your place I rvould not do it. Suffi- 
cient education has been given to the people 
as to what British rule is. But you should 
lay stress on what the people have to do to 
get out of foreign rule. Therefore everything 
depends upon how you say it. You will 
offend against my instructions when you dis- 
obey explicit orders served upon you. 


Q. Are you right in conceding the right of 
self-determination to Muslims in a matter so 
vitally affecting others also, viz. Hindus, Sikhs, 
etc. ? Supposing the majority of the Muslims 
decide in favour of partition in terras of the 
Muslim League resolution, what happens to the 
self-determination of Hindus, Sikhs, etc., who 
will be minorities in the Muslim States ? If you 
go on like this, where will be the end to it? 

A. Of course Hindus and Sikhs will have the 
same right, I have simply said that there is no 
other non-violent method of dealing with the 
problem. If every component part of the nation 
claims the right of self-determination for itself, 
there is no one nation and there is no 
independence. I have already said that Pakistan 
is such an untruth that it cannot stand. As 
soon as the authors begin to work it out, they 
will find that it is not practicable. In any case 
mine is a personal opinion. What the vast 
Hindu masses and the others will say or do I 
do not know. My mission is -to work for the 
unity of all, for the sake of the equal good 
of all. 

What Should Be Done ? 

Q. In the last meeting of the Working 
Committee the Committee have resolved that all 
Congress committees should cither be transformed 
into satyagraha committees or the office-bearers, 
who for any reason cannot sign the pledge, 
should resign and make room for others who 
have signed the pledge. Now, if any Congress- 
man has no faith in your technique but has 
accepted it only to carry out the Working Com- 
mittee’s resolution and is spinning only because 
he wants to remain in office, is he entitled 
to become a satyagrahi and remain in office ? 

A. Surely the office-bearers should resign. The 
pledge taken merely to remain in office is of no 
value. Such a person should not hold office. 

For Non'-performance 

Q. If anyone signing the satyagraha. pledge 
does not observe the rules laid down in it, what 
action will be taken, against such a satyagrahi? 

A. He is liable to be removed from the 
position he may hold. 

If A Committee Refuses 

■ Q. If a Congress committee refuses to trans- 
form itself into a satyagraha committee, what 
is the position of that committee? ■ 

' A; That area will .. be unfreptesented unless 

[ is, i940- 

there are other Congressmen to take the place 
of the defunct committee. 

Cam They Take the Pledge? 

Q. Can the following persons take the 
satyagraha pledge ? 

(a) A pleader who has given an undertaking 
to the court that he will not join any civil 
disobedience movement. 

(b) A person who though he wears khadi 
himself buys mill cloth for others and uses mill 
cloth for his bed sheets, etc. 

(c) A person who though a khadi- wearer him- 
self trades in foreign cloth. 

A. These persons cannot take the pledge. 

Sevagram, 13-5-40 


The annual meeting of the Hindustani Talimi 
Sangh was held at Sevagram on the 2nd and 
3rd May, Dr. Zakir Husain presiding. 

The following members were present : 

1. Dr. Abid Husain, 2. Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, 
3. Shri Shrikrishnadas Jaju, 4.. Acharya Kaka 
Kalelkar, 5. Shri J. C. ICumarappa, 6. Shri G. 
Ramachandran, 7. Acharya Badrinath Varma, 
8. Acharya Vinoba, 9. Smt. Ashadevi, 10. Shri 
E. W. Aryanayakam. 

The following arc some of the important reso- 
lutions passed : 

1. The Sangh expresses its agreement with 
the opinion of the Poona Conference of Basic 
Education that steady and encouraging progress 
has been made during the last two years, and 
that basic education bids fair to bring about a 
healthy revolution in the existing unsatisfactory 
system of primary education, with special refer- 
ence to rural areas; also that it has brought a 
new sense of self- confidence into the life of 
children and a refreshing sense of healthy dis- 
ciplined freedom into the school. 

2. The Sangh is definitely of the opinion that, 
in spite of its larger initial expenditure, the basic 
system will in the long run be more economical 
than the existing one. There will, in addition, 
be such advantages as cannot be measured in 
terms of money, 

3. The Sangh is of opinion that in the choice 
of basic crafts for schools the predominant 
occupation of the locality should be taken into 
account, provided that it is rich in educational 
possibilities. In order to ensure a sound economic 
market for the products of basic education, each 
Government should set up a department to make 
the necessary local survey for a proper selection 
of basic crafts and regulate the disposal of the 
products of the schools. 

4. The Sangh requests the authorities in the 
various provinces to select some basic schools in 
their areas for intensive work so that results 
worked out under controlled experimental condi- 
tions may be available in the shape of data for 
the whole country. 

5. Necessary steps be taken to induce local 
bodies in the various provinces to open basic 

YiAY 18 , 1940 ] 



sciools and to make necessary arrangements for 
the training of teachers. 

6. A Basic Craft Sub-Committee - be appointed 
to assist the Sangh in the following matters: 

( a ) The preparation of detailed correiared 
craft syllabi for both teachers and students. 

(b) The revision of the existing syllabus in 
the light of two years’ experience, 

’( c ) The preparation of standards and tests 
for testing the efficiency of craft work at the 
training schools and basic schools. 

( d ) The preparation of technical literature 
and the revision of literature already produced. 

(e) The preparation of a vocabulary of tech- 
nical terms. 

7. In view of the need for craft experts on 
the staff of the training centres and supervisory 
staff of basic education, the Maharashtra Charkha 
Sangh be requested to make special arrange- 
ments for the training cf such experts, and 
Shri Shrikrishnadas Jaju be requested to prepare 
a suitable scheme. 

8. The invitation of Dr. I. E. Khan, Principal, 
Basic Training College, Allahabad, to hold the 
Second Conference of Basic Education in Allaha- 
bad was accepted. 

9. The authorities of Jamia Millia Islamia be 
requested to make arrangements for a permanent 
exhibition of basic education attached to their 
training centre at Jamia Nagar, Delhi, and 
an exhibition of Basic Education may also be 
organised in connection with the Kbadi and 
Village Industries Exhibition at the annual 
session of the Congress. 

10. During the coming year efforts be made 
by the Sangh to prepare suitable literature for 
pupils and teachers of basic education. 



On reading my note in Harijan of 9th March 
on the Seng Khasi School, a correspondent writes : 

“The school may perhaps be failing to follow 
the Government curriculum. But even at its worst 
it could not be worse than the large numbers of 
local , mission schools which have received Govern- 
ment grants. ' It looks, therefore, as though the 
stumbling block is -text-books. It is all too true 
that the books on the prescribed list are nearly all 
mission bopks, and are unusable by any non-Christian 
school. But it is true that all the people with 
influence in the Education Department, so far as 
Khasi education is concerned, are Christians, and the 
scales are weighted very heavily in favour of mission 
schools, and against such courageous efforts as the 
one referred to by , your correspondent, which is 
making' a sincere and praiseworthy effort to preserve 
the national culture and rescue the Khasis from the 
demoralising influence of the Roman Catholics and 

This is ‘ a • matter for the Assam Government 
to attend to. Whatever may have happened 
before, thc^ scandal such as the one referred to. 
by my correspondent should '.cease tinder a 
Government 'which is responsible to the people. 
SeVagtam, 13^5-40' ' M. K. G. 


( By Ao ]/. ThcJ&or ) 

For over a year ! have been moving frequently 
in the backward areas of Qrissa, now called 
‘Partially Excluded Areas’, and almost neglecting 
my Harijan work. Two such extensive Oriya- 
speaking areas, comprising the Koraput district 
(or Jeypore Zimrr.fH/T and Ganjam Uplands, 
were transferred to the newly -formed Orissa 
Province by Ma(?'cas in ri?36. Both are inhabited 
by aborigmal tribes such as Khends (or Kandhas), 
Savaras, Parajas, Koyas, Gadabas and Gonds, and 
by Harijans like Dombs (or Dorns) and Panos. 
The proportion of non-aborigines and others in 
these areas is about 56 per cent and 40 per 
cent respectively. The tribe of Savaras, which 
takes its name from the Shaba ri, a tributary of the 
Godavari, is the same as that mentioned in the 
Ramayana, a female member of which gave sweet 
plums with great love to Shri Ramachandra. 

It is a real tragedy that the British Govern- 
ment has done very little in the past for the 
moral, material and intellectual betterment of 
these people. Over a century has gone by and 
these areas are more or less inaccessible and 
unknown to the man in the street. Even the 
money from special grants given for them by the 
Central Government seems to have been wasted. 
The Labour Commissioner’s Department, which 
has worked well for the Scheduled or Harijan 
Castes, has ignored the existence of these people 
who have been in charge of Agents of the 
Madras Governor. As a result of this neglect even 
primary education scarcely exists, and disease, 
superstition and ignorance are rampant. The 
primitive method of cultivation by means of 
burning trees from the forest and sowing on 
manure formed by the ashes thus obtained still 
prevails, resulting in the denudation of forests, 
and soil erosion on a large scale. These back- 
ward tracts have been handed over to the 
Government of Orissa which is proverbially the 
poorest province in the country. Rs. 2-8-0 per 
head is the revenue income of Orissa, and in 
addition to the cost of an expensive machinery 
of government, money has to be found very 
often for relief from havoc caused by floods or 
droughts. How can the Orissa Government find 
money to develop these areas? 

Another obstacle is the fact that these tracts 
yield next to no revenue to the Province. 
The Koraput area is under the Maharaja of 
Jeypore under the Permanent Land Settlement, 
and the people of Ganjam were exempted from 
payment nearly a century ago by the then 
irresponsible India Government. Two to three 
lakhs of rupees per annum would go a long* 
way to improve the lot of these backward people. 
It is not a large sum for the Central Govern- 
ment to find, and the rescuing and development, 
of these poor people is surely a duty which 
may not be neglected. 

As, however, there seems very little hope o^ 
the requisite financial aid coming from the 



I May 18, 7MQ 

CentrCj, it would be a great thing if welfare 
work could be organized on a laxge scale. 
Workers with the necessary zeal and de'-^ot?ou 
•could go and settle among these poor people 
and raise them educationally, morally and eco- 
nomically. Will organisations like the Arya 
Samaj, the Brahmo' Samaj, the Hindu Maha- 
sabha, and other Social Service Leagues help ? 
All eflforts to reclaim these backward classes 
will be a real service to the country. 

It is interesting to note that under the 
Government of India Act of 1935 these two 
areas are the only ones to whom the stigma 
of nomination still attaches. There is no system 
of election to the Assembly, and even those 
nominated to represent them arc not always 
members of the tribes themselves. To no other 
backward tribes does this rule apply. 

4~l (Ltij an. 

May 18 



( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

The following is from a God-fearing political 
friend whom everybody knows: 

“You must have shouldered the responsibility of 
making difficult decisions many a time in your life, 
but the responsibility which the Ranigarh Congress 
resolution has entrusted you with is the gravest of 
all. The future of India, nay of the world, depends 
upon it. 

You are far above me in wisdom and experience. 
But I feel you are very hard upon yourself. The 
■experiments that you sometimes carry on in your 
search of truth, involving yourself and thousands of 
others, make me gasp. 

I have been closely following your experiments in 
.ahimsa and satyagraha and read carefully every word 
that you write. You feel that these weapons are 
effective for establishing the right and putting down 
the wrong in the world. But I tell you these weapons 
of yours have been and are being abused in the world. 
The reason for it, I think, is this that once the 
people begin to feel the strength of these weapons 
the latent hatred in their hearts comes to the surface 
and, armed with these, becomes ten times, even a hun- 
dred times, more potent for mischief. That is bound 
to do great harm to the country, and it may take 
ages to undo it. Non-cooperation has become a curse 
in every-day life. Its ill effects are seen in family 
circles, in associations, in business, in factories and 
in Government offices. 

The most unfortunate part is this that those who 
are in the wrong are using this weapon against 
those who are in the right. An unworthy son or 
an unworthy daughter, a father on the wrong path, 
a miserly businessman or millowner, a dishonest 
worker, all these resort to non-cooperation to defend 
their indefensible conduct. My experience is that 
those who are in the right are perplexed and 
paralysed by your weapon. Non-cooperation hits 
one from behind and in a manner more deadly 
than the deadliest weapon. Twice I have seen it 
used in connection with political movements in India, 
^nd it brings tears to my -eyes whenever I see you 
about to resort to it. Having learnt its use from 

you, selfish people use it in your name in order 
to gain their selfish ends, and bring misery upon 
thousands of people. Therefore I beg of you not to 
employ this weapon in politics. It may get us 
some rights, but it spreads hatred among mankind, 
not love. We are too imperfect. You are a wise 
man, you are a man of God. Pray God that He 
may show you another way. 

I request you not to embarrass the British in any 
way while they are engaged in this life and death 
struggle. But I know, by itself the Congress will 
ngt have the patience to do so, though it may 
under your advice. The ill-will and the hatred that 
would be let loose if non -cooperation is started and 
Ihe communal bitterness to which it may give rise, 
would have an adverse effect upon the war and 
expose India to greater danger- 

If Congressmen must embarrass the British, I feel 
they should go back to offices in the provinces and 
should face the British Government with a dilemma at 
every step in the Provincial and the Central Assem- 
blies. This is the only right course and it tells 
upon the British public. 

Again we have to solve the Hindu-Muslim problem. 
For that we should call a conference of all the 
communal leaders and party leaders. If ive make 
an effort beforehand, we might become united by 
the time the Government is willing to call the 
Constituent Assembly. No time should be lost. 
The demands of the Mussalmans will mount up as 
time goes on. I am certain God will help us to 
attain unity if we try for it in right earnest and 
without delay. God has put the reins of the country 
in your hands ; you alone can make or mar Iier 
fate. ” 

The writer is one of the most earnest among 
us. He has presented one side of the picutre, 
but like all one-sided pictures this also is 

Every powerful thing is liable to misuse. Opium 
and arsenic are most potent and useful drugs. And 
they lend themselves to great abuse. No one has 
for that reason suggested the stopping of their 
good use. If non-cooperation has lent itself to 
abuse in some cases, in many cases its wise use has 
proved absolutely efficacious. A thing has to be 
judged by its net effect. The net effect of non- 
violent non-cooperation has been of the greatest 
benefit to India. It has brought about an awaken- 
ing among the masses which would probably have 
taken generations otherwise. It has prevented 
bloodshed and anarchy and on the whole improv- 
ed the relations between the Britishers and our- 
selves. There is a better mutual understanding 
because there is better mutual respect than ever 
before. And yet our non-cooperation has been 
indifferently non-violent, I hold that non-coopera- 
tion is of universal use. Well applied, its use 
in politics can wholly displace the use of barba- 
rous weapons of mutual destruction. The thing 
to do, therefore, is not to restrict its use but 
to extend it, care being taken that it is used 
in accordance with the known laws regulating 
its use. Risk of misuse has undoubtedly to be 
run. But with the increase in the knowledge 
of its right use, the risk can be minimised. 

One safe thing about non-cooperation is that 
in the end its abuse recoils more upon the 
users than upon those against whom it is used- 


May 18, 1940 } 'KA^l^^AE 

' Its abuse is the greatest in domestic relations 
because those against whom it is used are not 
strong enough to resist the abuse. It becomes 
a case of misapplied affection. Doting parents 
or wives are the greatest victims. These will 
learn wisdom when they realise that affection 
does not demand yielding to extortion in any 
form. On the contrary true affection will resist it. 

The v/riter suggests the usual parliamentary 
programme with cbstructicn. Its futility, when 
it is not backed by readiness for non-cooperation 
and civil disobedience, has been fully demon- 

So far as the British are concerned I have 
already said that I will do nothing to embarrass 
them. I am straining every nerve to avoid a 
conflict. But they may make it inevitable. Even 
sOo I am praying for a mode of application 
which will be effective and still not embarrass- 
ing in the sense of violent outbreaks through- 
out the country. 

Here I must say that, whilst it is true that 
active cooperation on the part of Congressmen 
is not yet much in evidence, of passive co- 
operation on their part there is no lack. Violent, 
sporadic eruptions on the part of the people 
would have paralysed my effort to gather to- 
gether forces of non-violence in an effective 
manner. As it is, the restraint which they have 
• exercised fills me with hope for the future. 

Hindu-Muslim unity is a morsel by itself. 
But my friend is on the wrong track when he 
suggests that unity should be hastened for fear 
of Muslims raising their demands. Demands 
against whom ? India is as much theirs as 
anybody else’s. The way to unity lies through 
just demands once for all, not through ever- 
increasing demands, whether just or unjust. The 
demand for partition puts an end to all 

effort for unity for the time being. I hold that 
communal understanding is not a pre-requisite 
to the British doing justice, on their part. 
When they feel that they want to recognise 

India’s right of self-determination, all the 
diflBculties that they put forth as obstacles in 
their path will melt away like ice before 
the sun’s rays. The right of self-determination 
means the right of determination by every 

group and ultimately every individual. The 

' demand for a Constituent Assembly presumes 
that the determinations of the groups and 
individuals will coincide. Should it haptftn 
otherwise and partition become the fashion, 
either we shall have partition or partitions rather 
than foreign rule, or we shall continue to 

wrangle among ourselves and submit to foreign 
rule, or else have a proper civil war. Anyway 
the present suspense cannot continue. It has to 
end one way or the other. I am an optimist. I 
have every hope that when we come to grips 
Hindus, Muslims, and all others will throw in 
their weight in favour of India which all will 
'-claim as their own. 

Sevagram, 13-5-40 


The MfiiiTioiritbs’ 

There is no doubt that dunng the present 
crisis there are more Englishmen alive to a 
sense of realities and to the justice of India's 
case than ever before. The India debate in the 
Commons is a sure index. But an even surer 
index is the opinion in the British press. Thus 
The Scoisinctii had an interesting controversy 
071 the Hindu Muslim and the Princes' question 
between Mr. F. Burton Leach and Prof. A* 
Berriedale Keith. The former maintained that 
the Hindus and Muslims differed more widely 
than the Protestants of Northern and Catholics 
of Southern Ireland. 

“ The Hindus and Muslims,” he said, represent 
two civilisations and cultures, which are diametrically 
opposed to one another in nearly every way. With- 
out upholding the intransigent claims made by some 
Moslem leaders, it is useless to shut our eyes to- 
the facts and to dismiss 80,000,000 Indian Moslems 
as merely a religious minority, who ought to be 
satisfied with the security of their religion. Security 
for their religion, indeed, has never been threatened 
for two good reasons — one that Hinduism is not 
a proselytising faith; and the other that to under- 
mine the religion of the Moslems would be utterly 
impossible and even interference with it would -pro- 
voke immediate Civil War, in which the Hindus, in. 
spite of numerical majority would stand very little 
chance, because the Moslems would have^ Afghanistan 
and other Moslem countries behind them.” 

It is curious to note how this language is 
just an echo of Lord Hailey’s and Sir William 
Barton’s language which revives the two nations 
theory which, as we have seen in these columns, 
was originally conceived in the British mind. 
Prof. Keith makes short work of this argument : 

There is no truth in Mr. F. Burton Leach’s 
allegation that I compare the Hindus and Moslems 
of India with the Catholics and Protestants of 
Ireland or regard their cleavage as purely religious. 
The whole point is that just as we allowed a poli- 
tical minority in Ireland to induce us to deny home 
rule, and thus brought about a rebellion which end- 
ed with the Independence of Eire and the legisla- 
tion last year to legalise treason against the King, 
so we shall bring about disaster in India if we 
allow a political minority to deny responsible Govern- 
ment to the majority. That form of Government 
was promised with the sanction of Parliament 
in 1917, the promise has been repeated lime 
after time with like approval, and the issue sim- 
ply is, ‘ Are we going to repudiate our promises 
and to justify Civil Disobedience and rebellion ? ’ 
Mr- Leach admits that there is no danger to- 
Moslem religion from the Hindus, which shows 
that their claim to deny responsible Government 
rests merely on their denial of the principle of 
democracy, majority rule. We are therefore to govern 
India in contradiction to the wishes of the majority 
of the people to please a minority. We did so in 
Ireland and the result is patent to all. Can history 
teach nothing ? *' 

The Princes* Question 

Mr. Leach employed the usual argument of the 
Treaty Obligations with the Princes and argued 
that the Princes 

^ are not all autocrats and that autocracy is not 
necessarily bad. A benevolent autocracy may be a 
better form of Government in some societies than a 
:so-called democracy which might in practice be only 

•n <0 / 


[ IViAY 185 1940 

an oligarchy. England was on tbe whole better 
go%’8rn€d under the autocracy of the Tudors than 
under the corrupt oligarchic system of the eighteenth 
century which claimed to have overthrown autocracy. 
Many of the larger Slates have adopted a considej'* 
able measure of responsible Gcvernment, and several 
distinguished Congress politicians are serving as 
Ministers under the Princes. The policy of succes- 
sive Viceroys has been to encourage the liberalisa- 
tion of the constitution of the Slates. Prof. Keith's 
argument that ‘ autocracy in India is now supported 
by British arms only ’ is a complete misrepresenta- 
tion of the situation from the point of view of the 
Indian princes and of the British Government,” 

This is blowing hot and cold in the sa/oc 
breath, praising autocracy and yet trying to 
maintain that responsible government is being 
introduced. One would like to know the Con- 
gressmen serving as Ministers in States and also 
to know for how many days the States could 
function if the support of the British arms were 
to be removed. But Prof. Keith’s reply as a 
constitutional authority is worth noting: 

Mr. Leach is perfectly aware that the treaties 
are all subject to the paramount power of the Crown 
to be exercised in the interests of India as a whole. 
Does anyone really believe that to ask a few 
score of rulers to abandon absolute pov/er and to 
accept the role of constitutional sovereigns, with all 
their wealth, prestige and the light to influence their 
‘ Governments, is to break any obligation of the 
Crown or is contrary to morality ? ” 

Then he adds : . 

“ Mr. Leach indeed ruins his own case by admitting 
that many of the larger States have adopted a con- 
siderable measure of responsible Government. They 
have done so because they know that e^-en a bene- 
volent autocrat — and many rulers have not been 
benevolent and still more have been grossly incom- 
'petent — form an inferior type of Government to 
self-government. To ask responsible-Governraent 
provinces to federate with autocratic Slates is an 
unreasonable demand. We should make it clear at 
least that, if the States prefer to remain autocratic, 
Federation will go on without them. Less than that 
will be a failure in duty no less than in policy. 
The time for saving India is growing short. Those 
of us who followed the Irish fiasco with regret do 
not wish to see a like fate for India.” 

But the demand for Independence ought to 
make the case simpler. Let the people of British 
India get their right to self-determination, irres- 
pective of what the Princes may or may not 
like to do. Perhaps it would be easier for 
them to make their choice if the British Indian 
people’s right to self-determination were recognised. 

Too Late 

The Church Times publishes a long interview 
by its special representative with an Indian 
Christian. His name is not given, but the space 
devoted to this important interview indicates the 
importance of the source. On the minorities’ 
question the gentleman said : 

Tbe differences* in so far as they exist, between 
Moslems and Hindus were certainly got created by 
Great Britain; but for its own reasons those differ- 
ences have been fostered by the Imperial Government. 
The British policy has been Divide at impera, and 
it has been directly responsible for widening the gap 
*that already existed ? between the Moslem and the 
Hindu community* It is the Moslems of the cities 
xi British India who have made the complaints and 

have demanded protection. They have beer? giveo- 
political and economic powers out of all proportion 
to their numbers, influence, education and cnlturOo 
They are bound up with the British rule, and have 
. everything to lose if Britain withdraws. In the villages, 
on the Other hand, where British influence has not so 
fully penetrated there is no Moslem problem at alia 
Moslems live sido by side with Hindus and have 
nothing to fear. The Piinces naturally fear for 
themselves at the withdrawal of the British. They 
gave their power to the Imperial Government and, 
they assert, will take it back into their own hands 
again if Congress gains its demands. This is only 
an empty tVrat. Thci: vvOi’-j -mincdirriciy 

colhoso o Biii'sl; 1'; fs 

interesting lo no!:c the depiossed classes have 

not asked for special protection. Dr. Auibedikar 
speaks for only ten thousand out of sixty million. 
Nor have the Indian Christians, the second largest 
minority, put forward any special interest.” 

The interviewer asked if Dominion StatuE 
would not be the Crst step to full Independence. 
The ansv/cr was : 

“ Dominion Status would have been the proper 
preparation for freedom once upon a lime. For my 
part I believe with many other Indians tliat that 
time has passed. IJ^omiiiion Status should have been 
granted before, it is now' too late. Such status 
would give Inclhns llie right to ticcich) all alVairSj 
except defence, foreign policy’', minority r/roMems and 
so on. But these ate the very (lueslions tl^at 
wishes to decide for herself, though she wouid ttro- 
bably 'welcome advice about defence —as in jy^ypt - 
and make special arrangements wllh Great ih-itaiiio 
If even Dominion Status is postponed U) the end of 
the war, Indian feeling will be liopclcssly alienated, 
and the unrest in Ireland and among the Africander in 
South Africa will be reitcalcd this time in the ICastA 
Wo Love of Max: Germany 

Mr. Sorenson, the Labour M. P. foe West 
Leyton, in an article in the London Tiilnme 
exposed the hollowness of the pretension that 
the Muslim League represented the whole 
Muslim opinion, and showed hov/ the reference 
to tbe eighty million Muslims opposed to the 
Congress was the plea advanced pretentiously 
by life-long notorious imperialists who fought 
even the India Act every step of the way. ’’ 
This is how he appeals to the British Govern- 
ment to face the -reality; 

“ Will this be followed by Civil Disobedience ? 
That remains to be seen, although this is possible. 
In any case Hindus, Muslim?, Sikhs, and others 
writhin, or supporting, the Congress have made it 
abundantly clear that there can be no co-operation 
with Great Britain unless and until there is the 
recognition of mutual respect and dignity which c-an 
only issue* through the admission by Britain that 
I^jflia is a free nation entitled and able to work 
her own economy and choosing by her own unciua^ 
lified volition as a recognised independent nation 
whether she shall or shall not cooperate with the 
British nation. Our Government may interpret this 
as it pleases, but the reality of the issue remains. 
And for Britain and the Labour Movement no less 
than for India it is of the highest value that our 
professions should thus be put to critical test. It is 
through no love of Nazi Germany that India insists 
on her inherent right. It is through love of the 
same freedom vaunted above totalitarian debasement 
that India now implements her insistent chg,l]enge s 
‘ Do you fight for freedom ? So do we. 'What 
about it ? ’ ” 

Sevagram, 15-5-40 M. D. 

'May 18, 1940 ] 



A friend from Kamalapuram as folicws: 

“A few days ago I was at the Car Festival of 
Humpi — the ancient Vijayanagar — which annual^’' 
draws thousands of men and women, young and olda 
from all over these parts. I noticed certain huts 
constructed apart from campers’ sheds on one side 
of the temple yard. A woman was standing at 
the entrance of each hut with obvious intent to 
attract men. The sight being unexpected and re- 
volting I enquired of other visitors what it meant. 

I was told they were brothels and therefore segre- 
gated. Deeply smitten I hurried away, but on second 
thought felt I ought to bring the fact to the notice 
of the public. There were a dozen huts each with 
6 or 7 victims in them. The organisers charged a 
little extra as ground rent for the special site. 
Who knows if they did not collect a professional 
tax too ? 

I was told by one of the crowd that such doings 
.are a normal feature of festivals. But even my 
informant was staggered at the unseemly and syste- 
mised organisation of these brothels under the very 
nose of the police. The Temple Committee, and the 
Police and Health Departments are jointly responsible 
for the happenings and arrangements at the fair. It 
may be that other bodies are also. The President of 
the District Board of Bellary is also the President of 
the K. P. C. C. There is a Congress 'Committee 
within 7 miles of this place where a Congress 
M. L, A. as well as the President reside. I ex- 
pressed my horror to some prominent Congressmen 
who were there, but none appeared to feel as deeply 
as 1 did. The girls were mostly from the Northern 

This vicious traffic may be a hideous truth. But 
why should organisations meant for promotion of 
human welfare become its agents ? Can society 
• descend to worse depths ? 

, I wish you would raise your voice in protest/’ 

That brothels are more often than not orga- 
nised at fairs and during religious festivals, and 
that over and above these there are villains who 
lie in wait to waylay innocent young women, 
is no news to me. Two years ago when I was 
President of the Women’s Conference, I raised 
funds for a band of women workers to go to 
Hardwar for the Kumbh -Mela and see what 
they could do to combat the evil. Where our 
Branches exist our Standing Committee members 
do try to see that steps may be taken by the 
authorities to stop this hideous traffic. But we 
are really powerless to do much. Acts for put- 
ting a check on immoral traffic in women are 
not really efficacious, and we women have not 
yet done anything substantial towards creating 
public opinion in the matter. I do not differen- 
tiate between men members of any political 
party where codes of morality are concerned. 
In all matters of social reform my experience 
has been that very little help can be had from 
constituted authority. Our system of Government 
is not of the soil and therefore not |];human 
•enough to feel for the sufferings of the poor. 
That religious bodies should exploit religious 
festivals for such foul deeds is a' travesty of 
religion and is another proof of the havoc that 
institutional religion often works. 

I hope women workers will resolve to attend 
these fairs and festivals not only to protect 

innocent girls but also to expose the organis-ers 
of these brothels. If Congress committees will 
help us, it will make our 'cask easier. But I zm 
convinced it is we and we alone who can get 
rid of this evil in society. It is hard work® it 
is difficult, it is almost thankless, but if we fee! 
the shame of it enough, we shall not count the 
cost, if public opinion is strong enough, the help 
of the district authorities will also be available, 
Mere protests are not enough — because it is 
strange bow men’s consciences the weeid over 
are singularly dead where such matters are con- 
cerned. I am sure Gandhiji will once again take 
this opportunity of condemning those concerned 
in no uncertain terms. 

Sevagram, 1-5-40 A. 

[I am quite sure that Congressmen must not 
tolerate this evil. M. K. G. ] 



The Tamil Nad Branch of the A. 1. S. A, has 
brought out a little brochure embodying the 
report of khadi work done in Tamil Nad in 
the year 1939. The year is described as one of 
trial for khadi work — with accumulation of 
large stocks, a small balance of working capita!, 
and continuance of famine conditions through- 
out the year. Production had to be cut down; 
and sales, though increased by special efforts, 
did not come up to expectations and could not 
help to tide over the crisis. It is worth noting 
that the increase in sales was not due to increased 
demand in cities ( where there was actually a 
decrease by Rs. 7,000) but due to greater purchases 
of khadi by villagers — particularly by spinners. 
On the top of these difficulties came the disas- 
trous fire in the Madras Exhibition causing a 
loss of Rs. 36,000 to the A. I. S. A. It redounds 
to the credit of the workers of the Sangh that, 
undaunted by these mishaps, they sustained their 
faith and efforts and in August last raised the 
spinners’ wages from 3 As. for a day of 8 hours 
to 3 As. 6 Ps., i, e. by 22 per cent, , without 
raising the prices of cloth — meeting the differ- 
ence from Government subsidy. 

Here are a few figures, culled from the tables 
given in the report, which show at a glance the 
volume of work put forth through the agency 
of the A. I. S. A. in the year under report ; • 

A. I. S. A- Centres 
Spinners on rolls ( average ) 
Average monthly attendance 
Yarn produced Hanks 

„ Weight lbs. 

„ Value Rs. 

Khadi produced Sq. yds. 

„ ■ Value Rs. 

Khadi sold { Urban ) Rs. 

„ ( Rural ) Rs. 

„ (Other provinces )^Rs. 
The khadi production gave 
57.585 spinners, 2,043 weavers, 
dyers, 42 printers, 21 tailors, 3 

employment to 
74 dhobis. , 30 
carpenters and 


[ May 18, 194© 

2 Shiikis — the total mumber of artisaos employ- 
ed bdiig 59,800, The wages paid to them were 

as follows: 
















Carpentry and Smithy 


When it is borne in minol that many of these 
were part time workers it will be admitted that 
the earnings of some of them were quite decent. 
It is also to be noted that, but for the em- 
ployment given to them by the A. L S, A., 
many, if not most, would have stood on the 
list of the unemployed or partially but inade- 
quately employed. These workers, classified by 
community, included 1,031 Haiijans, 833 Muslims, 
532 Christians, and 57,404 others. “In the pro- 
secution of my obligations to the villagers I shall 
recognise no distinction between man and man,’* 
says the A. I. V. 1. A. members’ pledge, and 
the foregoing figures demonstrate how khadi 
has served all communities alike. It has united 
them all in a common endeavour to rehabilitate 


our village economy. 

C. S. 


[The following is the report of an interview 
that Gandhiji gave to a representative of The 
Times of India at Seva gram on the 9th inst.] 

“I would welcome a settlement which ensures 
peace with honour, ” said Mr. Gandhi. “ The 
Viceroy knows I am always ready.” 

Seated on a mat in his small barely furnished 
room, with a wet cloth wrapped round his head, 
Mr. Gandhi carefully explained his viewpoint. 
He spoke with great earnestness. 

“I am not averse.” he explained, “to coming 
to terms with Britain on matters like defence 
and commercial interests, and I am fully prepared 
that these adjustments should be referred to a 
constituent assembly as part of an agreed settle- 

Mr. Gandhi went on to explain his attitude 
to the constituent assembly. “I believe per- 
sonally that it is the most satisfactory method 
of procedure; but don’t forget that I preserve 
an open mind on the matter. If some people 
hold that there are other forms of procedure 
which are more representative, I am willing to 
be convinced. Today I say that the assembly 
should be elected on adult franchice, but here 
again my mind is open to alternative proposals 
provided these proposals have the backing of 
irepresentatiye men.” 

“If the Viceroy,” asked your correspondent, 
declares that he will summon a conference of 
*the best Englishmen and the best Indians’, and 
if he further agrees that its terms of reference 
wiii be to arrange for the estabiishmem 
of self-government within the shortest period 
practicable, would you accept that gesture ?’* 

Mr. Gandhi’s reply was emphatic. “Certainly, 
it will be acceptable. In the preliminary confer^ 
ence it is necessary that the best Englishmen 
and the best Indians should meet to adjust 
their diflFcrences, but in the framing of the 
constitution only Indians must participate.” 

“If the Viceroy,” continued Mr. Gandhi with 
deliberation, “is authorised to declare that Fhs 
Majesty’s Government have definitely come tc 
the conclusion that it is the sole right of 
India to determine the form of government 
under which she would live, and if with that 
end he summons a conference of the best 
Englishmen and the best Indians — the latter 
elected according to an acceptable procedure — tc 
devise a method whereby a constituent assembly 
can be summoned for the purpose of framing a 
constitution and for solving all problems that 
may arise, I would accept the proposal.” 
“But,” — and here Mr. Gandhi spoke gravely- 
“I don't sense the proper atmosphere today.” 

Asked whether if His Majesty’s Government 
summoned a conference and acted in good faith 
Mr. Gandhi would be prepared to use his personal 
intlucnce to induce the Congress Ministers to 
return to oflSicc, the Mahatma quickly replied: 
“ Not unless there is a Hin Ju-Muslim agreemeni:., 
I should wait,” 

“You did not deserve the interview,” chaffed 
Mr. Gandhi as I said good-bye, “ You brought 
a hot wind with you to Sevagram.” The tem- 
perature was 108. He laughed uproariously at 
my obvious retort : “ It is an ill wind which 

brings no one any good.” 

( The Times of India, 20-5-40 ) 

Hindus & Musaimans of India 

By AttUananda Chakrabarti 
Gandhiji has said of this book:* “If he has stated 
the truth and nothing but the truth, it is a reveal- 
ing booklet v/liich ■ all Hindus and Muslims may 
read with profit.” Price Rs. 2-8-0. Postage 5 As. 
extra. Available at ( 1 ) Plarijan office - Poona 
and (2) Harijan office -81 Queen’s Road, opp. 
Marine Lines Station, Bombay 2. 


Question Box ... M. K. Gandhi 129 

Basic Education Ashadevi 130 

A Cry from South Orissa A. V. Thakkar 131 
Non-Cooperation ... M. K. Gandhi 132 

Occasional Notes ... M. D. 133 

A Hideous Evil ... A. K. 135 

Khadi Work in Tamil Nad-I C. S. 135 

An Important Interview ... M. K, Gandhi 136 

Note : 

Favouritism ... M. K. G. 131 

Printed and Published by Vithal Hari Barve at the Aryabbushan Pressi 915/1 Fergusson College Road, Poom 4 
Ubani^lioii Ratae — IXLANt) : One year, Ri. 4, Six montl^ Ba. 2-8, FoxtMGir : One year, Bi. or, 8 ilu or 2 $» 

No. B 3092 




Yol. VIII, No. 15 ] POONA — SATURDAY. MAY 25, 19-^<0 f ONE ANNA 


C By M. K. Gandhi ) 

Spianing Regularly 

Q. What do you mean by ' spinning regu- 
larly ’ ? If one spins for a couple of hours 
during a month or for half an hour once or 
twice a week, would he be deemed to have 
satisfied the condition about spinning regularly? 

A. ‘ Regularly ’ was put in the place of 
' daily This was meant to provide for acciden- 
tal or unavoidable omissions. Therefore spinning 
every week or at stated intervals will not meet 
the case. A satyagrahi will be expected to 
spin daily except for valid reasons such as 
sickness, travelling or the like. 

Satyagraha Camps and Untouchability 

Q. Satyagraha camps are being organised for 
the training of volunteers all over the country. 
But the principle with regard to the renuncia- 
tion of untouchability in every shape and form 
is not being rigorously enforced. Don’t you agree 
that it ought to be made an absolute rule in 
the camps that no one who regards the touch 
of Harijans as polluting and does not freely mix 
with them should be permitted to attend them? 

A. I have no hesitation whatsoever in saying 
that he who has the slightest untouchability 
in him is wholly unfit for enrolment in the 
Satyagraha Sena. I regard untouchability as the 
root cause of our downfall and of Hindu- 
Muslim discord. Untouchability is the curse of 
Hinduism and therefore of India. The taint is 
so pervasive that it haunts a man even after 
he has changed over to another faith. 

Partition and Non-Muslims 

Q. You have said in Harijan that *'if the 
eight crores of Muslims desire partition, no 
power on earth can prevent it. ” Does it not 
strike you that 25 crores of non-Muslims too 
might have a say in the matter ? Does not your 
statement imply that you put a premium on 
the opinion of the Muslims while underrating 
that of the Hindus? 

A. I have only given my opinion. If the 
majority of Hindus or Christians or Sikhs or 
even Parsis, small though their number is, stub- 
bornly resist the express wish of the duly 
elected representatives of eight crores of Muslims, 
they will do so at the peril of a civil war. 
This is not a question of majority or minority. 
If we are to solve our problems non-violently, 
there is no other way. I say this not because 
the eight crores . happen to be Muslims. I would 

say the same if the sigh: crores were any other 


Legal Practice and Satyagraha 
Q. Knowing as you do how lying and deceit 
have become the stock-in-trade of the legal pro- 
fession in this country, would you permit prac- 
tising lawyers to enlist as active satyagrahis ? 

A. I am unable to subscribe to your sweeping 
proposition. The fact that a lawyer wants to 
become a satyagrahi presupposes on his part a 
certain standard of purification. No doubt there 
may be, to my knowledge there arc, black sheep 
in the Congress. This is inevitable in any big 
organisation. But it would be unbecoming of a 
satyagrahi to condemn a man because he belongs 
to a certain profession. 

Satyagraha and Obstructionism 
Q. Is the policy of obstructionism compatible 
with satyagraha? Can a satyagrahi, who is sup- 
posed to stand for principles rather than party, 
adopt one attitude with regard to a measure 
when it is sponsored by his party, and another 
when the same measure is sponsored by the 
opposite party ? Would you approve of this 
policy in Municipalities and District Boards as 
is being done by some Congressmen at present? 

A. I have always opposed obstruction as be- 
ing anti-satyagraha. Congressmen, to be correct 
in their behaviour, should always give co opera- 
tion to their opponents when the latter are in a 
majority and adopt any wise measure. The object 
of Congressmen should never be attainment of 
power for power’s sake. Indeed such discrimi- 
natory co-operation will enhance the prestige of 
the Congress and may even give it majority. 

Training Harijans as Cooks 
Q. Don’t you think that, if the Congress star- 
ted a plan for training Harijans as expert cooks 
for Hindu homes and made it a rule to man every 
ashram or a mess meant for Congress workers 
with Harijan cooks thus trained, it would prove 
a short cut to the removal of untochability 7 
A. Our ambition should be to enable Harijans 
to rise to the highest rank. But while that 
must be the ideal, it will be a good thing to 
train some Harijans to become accomplished 
cooks. I have observed that the more we draw 
them into the domestic circle, the quicker is 
the pace of the reform. Harijans who become 
absorbed in our homes lose all sense of inferiority 
and become a living link between other 
Harijans and Savarna Hindus. 

Sevagram, 19-5-40 




The other feature of the ^ork that desen^es 
special notice is the expansion of the self-suffi- 
ciency scheme and the efforts to add to the 
efficiency and productive capacity of the workers 
by introducing improved implements. Thus during 
the year 630 thousand lbs. of lint were used, 
of which — except 10 thousand lbs. — the entire 
quantity was ginned by the spinners themselves 
on hand gins. This happened for the first time 
since the inception of the khadi movement. The 
spinners are reported to have realised the advan- 
tage of hand-ginning, and some who have land of 
their own have taken to growing their cotton 
also. The spinners in Tamil Nad generally do 
their own carding. Improved implements were 
distributed to them at half the cost price as 
follows: 762 gins, 870 spinning wheels. 8,761 
speed wheels, 8,472 carding bows, 225 carding 
bows. The cost was collected in easy instal- 
ments. Harijan spinners were not only given 
the implements free of cost, but were paid daily 
wages even during the period in which they 
learnt spinning. To encourage better spinning 50 
tests were conducted in which 439 spinners 
participated, of whom as many as 113 showed 
a speed of above 400 yards per hour, and about 
40 per cent attained an efficiency which would 
enable them to earn over 3 As. per day. 

Referring to the progress made by the self- 
sufficiency scheme, the report says ; 

“The message of kliadi has reached more homes 
this year- 35,968 saris valued at Rs. 1,78,614 
woven from yarn collected hank by liank from the 
spinners every time they delivered yarn to us, have 
been distributed among the spinners during the ycar. 
Besides, khadi other than saris, valued at Rs, 37,052 
was also distributed for the use of the other 
members in the spinners’ families. It will also be 
noted that the first law of production, i. e. tliat the 
'producer should be the first consumer of his produce, 
has been well kept in view. Of the tota,l yarn 
produced, i. e. 90,72i383 hanks, the spinners have 
deposited for their own use 28-, 82, 769 hanks, i, e. 
nearly 32 per cent of the total output or 47 per 
cent of the yarn sold. 227 families in Tamil Nad 
got their own yarn woven into cloth through our 
various branches. 4,695 sq. yds. of cloth valued 
at Rs. 2,334 was thus woven. The total weaving 
wages paid under this head was Rs. 591.” 

During the year under report the 2.093 weavers 
working under the A. I. S. A. earned , Rs. 
3,04,050. Their average attendance was 24 \l^eeks 
in the year, and the average weekly earning 
amounted to Rs. 6-2-3 — means a negli- 
gible amount. Whereas most of the mill yarn 
weavers began their careers with debt and could 
never get free from that burden, the hand 
yarn, weavers could not only make . the two 
ends meet but were able to make a little 
“saving also — the amount deposited by .them 
being, at the end of the year, Rs. 27,714-3-8, 
or an average of Rs. 13-6-0 per weaver, A 

[ may 25, 1940 '■ 

comparative study of these two classes of weavers 
is likely to yield revealing results, and will 
prove to the hilt the truth of Gandhfji's dictum 
that “ those weavers who do not take to weaving 
handspun are cutting their own throats,” and 
that “khadi is the weaver’s sole protection^ 
There is yec another feature in the report 
worth noticing. The total turnover during the 
year was about Rs. 30 lakhs. The salaries 
paid to 365 workers amounted to Rs. 61 
thousand, i. e. 2-1 per cent. This figure would 
surely compare favourably with the correspond- 
ing figure of any other business concern, and 
it is creditable for the workers engaged in the 
service. The fact that the Branch could carry 
on its work with a working capital of Rs. 8 
lakhs and odd shows the distinct advantage 
enjoyed by khadi over mill production which 
would have required a much greater capital. 

We shall look forward to getting similar 
businesslike reports from other branches of the 
A. 1. S. A., for these reports, besides being 
authentic records of the progress made by 
khadi, are of great value as additions to the 
growing volume of literature useful to students 
of khadi economics. 

c. s. 


The Secretary of the Tamilnad Branch of the 
All India Spinners’ Association writes as follows: 

It is not necessary that the charkha alone 
should be used for spinning. Spinning on the 
takli is as much a training in non-violence. The 
takli alone is the handiest spinning implement 
that can be used on a mass scale at a short 
notice. The reasons are as follows : 

1. It will take a long time to provide all 
those who register themselves as satyagrahis with 
the charkha and its component accessories. With 
.the best of efforts it will take at least six 

months to complete the equipment. But thou- 
sands of taklis can be provided at a very short 

2. The charkha can be used only in the house 
of the spinner and does not have much of 
demonstration value. But the takli can be used 
anywhere and at any time. Takli spinning does 
not interfere with our other work. One can be 
talking or walking as he or she is spinning. It 
is easily carried about, being small enough to go 
into a pocket, and when others see us going 
about spinning they too fall under the spell and 
a spinning atmosphere is created. 

3. It will be difficult for everybody who 
takes to the satyagraha pledge to learn quickly 
the antecedent processes of spinning such as gin- 
ning and carding. They will have to depend on 

• slivers made ready for them. It will not be 
‘ possible to provide everybody with slivers if 
everyone takes to charkha-sp inning. Takli-spin- 
‘ ning will require less sliver supply. Moreover, 
whatever Dev kapaS is available, can be easily 
ginned by hand and made into slivers. 

'^T ^ -v 




4. The cheapest charkha costs Rs, 2, It may 
TiGt be within the reach of all tc buy one. 
But the takli costs only two annas* cne need 
not incur even this much of expense. A takli 
can be improvised with a bamboo stick and a 
stone weight, 

5. Spinning on the charkha requires more 
training than the takli. The charkha often goes 
out of order and requires adjustment. The takli 
rarely goes out of order. 


Shri Dilkhush Diwanji is an M* A. of the 
Bombay University, and might have been a pro- 
fessor in a college if he had chosen an academic 
career. But he elected to settle down in a village 
and share the hard lot of the villager. He chose 
Karadi, the little village where Gandhiji was 
arrested at the end of the Dandi March, for his 
field of activities and is conducting a khadi 
depot there which I purposely visited on my 
way back from Surat. The work thait he is 
carrying on, the atmosphere he has created, the 
smiling faces not only of the children who 
surround him but also of the old women who 
flock to the depot — all this was a feast for 
the eyes. 

For he has made himself one of them. He 
lives in a place humbler than theirs, he eats 
what they eat, cooking for himself, and lives and 
dresses himself like them. 

A group of old women — some of, them very 
old who could hardly see my face clearly — had 
gathered in the depot from a neighbouring village. 
Their ages muse be anything between, 50 and 80. 
Each one had a little bundle of yarn with her 
which she had come to deliver at the depot. 
Each had a little pass-book in which every little 
detail of her yarn was shown — the weight, the 
count, the quality, the wage, etc., wastage, the 
yarn deducted for her own khadi, and the date. 
Everyone referred to Shri Diwanji as son”, 
and the one with whom we began to talk 
addressed me also as “son”. This “son” 
Diwanji had descended as a “god” among them; 
they had no work, they had been put on the 
shelves, new they had work and they earned 
two to three annas per day. They were proud 
of their income wherewith they could make 
pmall purchases, including tea, which they 
confessed was bad but which nevertheless 
had become a need k , - 

Everything in the depot was spick and span — 
the books, the boxes containing yarn according 
to their quality, and the khadi, the sacks of 
cleaned and uncleaned cotton, and the stocks of 
yarn. There was a method and orderliness about 
everything. When the work was started in 1936 
there were only 12 wheels, and the wages given 
amounted Rs. 277-3-0.' In ;1937 there were 42 
wheels, and the work has since increased by 
leaps and bounds., The .following figures are 
eloquent of the progress : , . * . 

Vvhseis 42 

195S 1939 

190 o99 

ms. srs. ms. srs. 
Yarn 8 3 28 4 

me. srs. 
115 30 

Wages Rs. 1,159-10-0 Rs. 2,033 Rs, 10,593-4-0 
Khadi 434 yards 2836 yards 10,198 yards 
Khadi / Local Rs. 116-5-0 Rs. 629-15-0 Rs. 2604-15-0 
Sales I Outside 157-4-0 Rs. 622-13-0 Rs. 3015-1-0 
These are the details of the work done during 1939: 
Yarn spun, 115 mds. 30 srs. 

Slivers , 113 5 , S 

Khadi 10198 Yds. 

Worth 5496 Rs. 

Khadi f Spinners etc. ■ Rs. 1456-8-0 
Sold 4 Other customers Rs. 1148-7-0 
to I Outside customers Rs. 3016-1-0 
Spinning wheels sold 334 
Other articles sold Rs. 332-8-0 

Wages distributed in 1939 
117 Cotton cleaners 
4 Ginners 
22 Carders 
699 Spinners 
8 Weavers 

Rs. 49-14-6 
Rs. 17-11-0 
Rs. 1074-12-9 
Rs. 7156 — 6-9 
Rs. 1836—1-6 
Rs, 258—5-3 

7 Workers in charge of Depot Rs. 654 — 0-0 
The boys in the Local Board school at Matwad 
have their spinning hour with Shri Diwanji. 
There is half an hour’s silent spinning and half 
an hour’s talk on the topics of the day. They 
asked me intelligent questions. They are all free 
from drink and the “ petty vices “ of smoking, 
tea-drinking, etc. There is an intelligent appre- 
ciation among the village-folk of the work that 
is going on, and I should not be surprised if the 
boys who are coming under Shri Diwanji’s 
influence were’ to ’ develop into workers in 
the cause of the uplift of their community. 
Sevagram, 14-5-40 M. D. 

Handmade Paper 

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Jaipur, Kalpi, Koratla, Nepal, Outshahi, Sialkot, 
Sodepur and Wardha — from the thinnest tissue 
paper and air mail paper to the thickest paper, and 
in many different colours, to suit various tastes and 
requirements. It is sold in the form of whole sheets, 
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and pocket books. Samples are sent on receipt of two 
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above. ( 1 ) Harijan Office — Poona 4; ( 2 ) Harijan 
Office Branch — 81 Queen’s Road, 0pp. Marine Lines 
Station, Bombay 2. 

Hindus & Musalmans of India 
By Atulananda Chakraharti 
' Gandhiji has said of this book : ** If he has stated 
the truth and nothing but the truth, it is a reveal- 
ing booklet which all Hindus and Muslims may 
read with profit.” Price Rs. 2-8-0. Postage 5 As* 
extra. Available at' (1) Harijan office -'Poona 4, 
and (2*) Harijan office -81 Queen’s Road, opp. 
Marine Lines Station, Bombay 2. 


{By M. K. Gandhi) 

In view of further ruthless aggression by Nazi 
Germany and the fact that Britain is hard pressed 
and going through deep waters today, does not non- 
violence demand that we should say to her that, 
while we do not resile in llie voiy least from our 
position nor withdraw an iota of our demand so far 
as her relationship with us and our future arc con- 
cerned, we do not desire to embarrass her in dire 
distress and will definitely, therefore, defer all thoughts 
and all talk of a civil disobedience movement for the 
time being ? Do not our minds rebel against the very 
idea of a domination such as Nazidom is avowedly stand- 
ing for today? Is not the whole future of a humane 
civilisation at slake ? It is true that our independence 
from an alien rule is also a matter of life and death to 
us. But when Britain is up against an aggressor 
who is definitely pursuing barbarous methods, should 
we not make a timely and human gesture which 
should in the end win the heart of our opponent? 
Even if such a gesture makes no impression on her 
and an honourable settlement is impossible, will it 
still not be the higher and ennobling thing for us 
to offer non-violent battle when she is not beset on 
all sides? Will it not require greater strength in 
us and therefore mean greater and more lasting 
benefit, and will it not be a glorious example for a 
warring world? Will it not also be a proof that 
non-violence is pre-eminently a weapon of the strong?” 

Perhaps this correctly represents the sentiment 
of several correspondents who have written to 
me since the Norwegian setback. It is evidence 
of the nobility of the hearts of these corres- 
pondents. But there is want of appreciation of 
the reality. These letters ignore British nature. 
British people stand in no need of sympathy 
from subject people. For they can command 
all they want from them. They are a brave 
and proud people. They are not going to be 
■dernoralised by even half a dozen such setbacks. 
They are well able to cope with any difficulty 
that may face them. India has no say whatso- 
ever in the manner in which she is to take 

her part in the war. She was dragged into 

the war by the mere wish of the British 

Cabinet. Her resources are being utilised at the 
will of the British Cabinet. India is a dependency, 
and Britain will drain the dependency dry as she 
has done in the past. What gesture has the 
Congress to make in these circumstances ? The 
greatest gesture in its power the Congress is 
already making. It creates no trouble in the 
country. It refrains in pursuance of its own 

policy. I have said and I repeat that I shall 
<io nothing wilfully to embarrass Britain. It will 
be contrary to ,my conception of Satyagraha. 

Beyond this it is not iu the power of the 
Congress to go. 

Indeed it is the duty of the Congress to 
proseciire its demand for independence and to 
continue the preparations for civil disobedience 
to the fullest extent it can. The nature of the 
preparations should be appreciated. To promote 
khadi and village industries, communal unity, 
removal of untouchability, prohibition, and to 
this end to enlist and train Congress members. 
Is this preparation to be suspended ? I dare say 
that, if the Congress truly becomes non-violent 
and in pursuance of the policy of non-violence 
it successfully carries out the constructive work 
I have mentioned, it will be able to have in- 
dependence without doubt. Then will be the 
time for India as an independent nation to decide 
what aid she should give to Britain and how. 

The Congress contribution to the cause of 
the Allies in so far as it may be good, and to 
the world peace, is its active pursuance of 
non-violence and truth and the prosecution of 
its goal of Complete Independence without 
abatement and without delay. 

Britain is really damaging her own cause by 
persistently refusing to examine the Congress 
position and recognise its justice and in raising 
false issues. The Constituent Assembly of the 
kind proposed by me provides for every diffi- 
culty except one, if it is a difficulty. It does 
not provide for British interference in the shap- 
ing of India’s destiny. If that is put forth as 
a difficulty, the Congress must wait til! it is 
acknowledged that it is noi:. only uo dlluculty 
and that self-determination is India’s indisput- 
able right. 

In this connection let me refer to the letters 
I have received accusing me of unwillingness to 
declare civil disobedience under some pretext 
or other. These friends must know that I am 
more concerned than they in the successful 
demonstration of the weapon of non-violence. I 
am not giving myself a minute’s rest from the 
pursuit of the search. I am ceaselessly praying 
for light. But I cannot precipitate civil dis- 
obedience because of outside pressure, even as 
I will not refrain because of such pressure. I 
know that this is the time of my greatest trial- 
I have overwhelming evidence to show that there 
is much violence in the hearts of many Congress- 
men and that there is much selfishness. If Con- 
gressmen were imbued with the true spirit of 
non-violence, we would have had independence 
in 1921 and our history would have been written 
differently. But I must not complain. I must 
work with the tools I have. Only let Congress- 
men know the cause of my seeming inaction. 
Sevagram, 20-5-40 


Issues of Vols. I to VI of 'Hariatt * can be had from 
us for 3 As. per copy (including postage). Issues of 
Vol- 8 will be had at the published price plus 
postage. Manager 


'li'AY 25, 1940 ] 



A band of Muslim volumceeTS about 30 sttong, 
led by Abid All Saheb and AH Bahadur Khan 
Saheb, returning from the Azad Muslim Con- 
ference held at Delhi, called at Sevagram the 
other day They travelled all the way from 
Bombay to Delhi and back in a motor-bus halt- 
ing at important places to carry on Hindu- 
Muslim unity propaganda, and the account of 
their esperiences was quite thrilling and suScient 
to fill one with hope. The ideal way to do 
■this kind of propaganda is to perform such a 
tour on foot, but the way adopted by these 
Bombay friends was certainly a second-best, and 
perhaps the most expeditious and best for people 
who have not the time a journey on foot 

• demands. They held big mass meetings wherever 
•they halted, talked with people dispelling their 

• doubts and fears, and did some reconciliation 
work too. Thus at Jwalapur, they said, the 
relations between Hindus and Muslims were far 

•from good and there was even fear of a riot. 
After these friends went there and had a talk 
•with leaders of parties a reconciliation was 
brought about with the result that a meeting 
was held in the mosque and it was attended 
•by hundreds of Hindus. At some places there 
•were slight disturbances, but as the friends 
-were determined to do nothing by way of 
retaliation the disturbances were confined to 
one side only and were futile. The friends had 
•composed a song Zanda uncha rahe hamara 
specially for the tour which they sang wherever 
they went and marched in procession. It' was 
so simple and musical and so full of words 
of every day usuage among both Hindus and 
Muslims that it caught on, and lots of people 
took it down to commit to memory. 

It was plucky and resourceful to have planned 
this excursion. I dare say it was much less 
■ expensive than a train-journey and obviously 
most fruitful. For 27 to 30 people to travel 
miles on end in an ordinary Ford motor bus 
with all their belongings, at the height of the 
■summer, was no joke. But they bore all the 
•discomforts cheerfully and looked none the 
worse -for roughing it out. 

As they left Sevagram after a few minutes’ 
i:alk about their experiences with Gandhiji and 
Pandit Jawaharlal who was here that day, they 
asked for Gandhiji’s message. “My message has 
been already given, and I have none new to 
give you,” he said to them. “All I will say 
is that now that you have actively taken up 
this great mission, you will not cease from 
your effort until Hindu-Muslim unity is achiev- 
ed, I would ask you to forget that you have 
any quarrel with the Muslim League people. 
Your object differs ftom theirs, but they also 
are our brothers and you cannot convert them 
unless you treat them as such and refrain 
from all personal attacks. You have to carry 
•conviction to them, for unless you or we can 

win rhem over shere is v.o Kindu-M’jslim 
unhy, I ■wis’e ycj. god-spsK’. ” 

Se-^agra'", 21-5-40 M, iO. 


“ Unliappily..., the system ci Government pursued... 
has been based on the policy of psrpefiating that 
very separation of the races and encouraging those 
very notions of conflicting nationalities which it 
ought to have been the first and chief care of 
Governni'int to cbsch and e:-:tiiignish. Trom the 
period of conquest to the pre-serr tlnrt, t'ne conduct 
of the Government has aggravated the evils, and the 
origin of the present extreme disorder may be found 
in the institutions by which the character of the 
colony was determined... The Imperial Government... 
has shaped its policy so as to aggravate the disorder. 
In some instances it has actually conceded the 
mischievous ^etensiom of tiationality in order to 
evade popular claim. The alternate concessions to 
the contending races have only irritated both, and 
impaired the authority of the Government. ” ( Italics 
mine ) 

This is not an indictment of the separate 
electorates or of the ‘ Divide and Rule ’ policy 
of the British Indian Government but only 
extracts from Lord Durham’s Report on Canada. 
Communal cleavages are today being aggravated 
and exploited by Britain to keep India out of 
her own. All this is a replica of what happen- 
ed in Canada. A cursory review of the story 
of Canada and the striking parallels to our own 
case with which it is replete, therefore, would 
not be uncalled for at this juncture. 

Divide and Rule Policy in Canada 

The first settlement of the Canadas was made 
in the proclamation of 1763, soon after their 
acquisition from the French King by the Treaty 
of Paris. Close upon its heels followed those 
discontents which resulted in the Independence 
of the States of America. To prevent the fur- 
ther dismemberment of the Empire henceforth 
became the primary object of British statesmen, 
and “an especial anxiety was exhibited to adopt 
every expedient which appeared calculated to 
prevent the remaining North American colonies 
from following the example of successful revolt.” 
For this purpose the distinct national character 
of the French inhabitants of Canada, and their 
ancient hostility to the people of New England, 
presented the easiest and most obvious line of 
demarkation. “To isolate the inhabitants of the 
British from those of the revolted colonies, became 
the policy of the Government, and the nationality 
of the French Canadian was therefore cultivated, 
as a means of perpetual and entire separation 
from their neighbours” It also became the “con- 
sidered policy” of the British Government “ to 
govern its colonies by means of division, and to 
break them down as much as possible into petty 
isolated communities, incapable of combination, 
and possessing no sufficient strength for individual 
resistance to the Empire.” The language question 
was not left unexploited. Further to separate the 



French of Canada from the British emi^?rants a 
plan vv’as adopted '‘to conciliate the former by the' 
retention of their languages, laws and religions 
institutions.’* In Prince Edward’s Island a condi- 
tion was annexed to the grants of land which 
may fitly be described as a Canadian prototype, 
of the Punjab Land Alienation Act, It stipulated 
that the , Island was to be settled by ‘ foreign 
Protestants “ as if they were to be foregin in 
order to s eparate them from the people of New 
England, and Protestants in order to keep them 
apart from the Canadian and Acadian Catholics.’' 

The Indian reader will not fail to trace in 
this picture the familiar lineaments of the present 
day ' Divide and Rule ’ policy that is being 
pursued in India, In fact almost every one of 
the divisive expedients which finds its apologists 
among the high priests of the British ruling 
class today will be found’ stripped of its sancti- 
monious mask ^ and exposed in its nakedness in’ 
Lord Durham’s Report.' 

Canada’s Reply 

Nor were the results dissimilar from ours. On, 
his arrival in Canada Lord Durham found himself 
confronted by “jealousy between two races, so long 
habituated to regard each other with hereditary 
enmity, and so diflFereing in habits, in language’ 
and in laws. ” “I expected to find a conflict between 
a Government and a people, but I found two 
nations warring in the bosom of a single state.... 
a struggle not of principles, but of races.” 
Previous to this, in 1833, the Lower Canada 
Assembly had put forward the suggestion of a 
“Convention” for the redress of their grievances, 
the request being repeated in the petition which 
was sent by the Assembly to the King soon 
afterwards. It was to the effect that “ dele- 
gates freely and indiscriminately chosen by all 
classes of the community so as to be in harmony 
with the interests of the province should 
recommend the proper inodifications in govern- 
ment.” “ A general Assembly of this kind,” it’’ 
was said, “ would prove to be a faithful inter- 
preter of all the interests of the colony taken 
collectively.’ ( Kennedy : Statutes, Treaties and' 
Documents of the Canadian Constitution, 2nd Edi- 
tion, p. 264) The reply of the Secretary of 
State for the Colonial Department in answer to 
this petition might as well have dropped from 
Sir Samuel Hoare’s or Lord Zetland’s lips during' 
a debate on the Indian demand for a Constitu- 
ent Assembly. “The object of ,the address,” 
it ran, “ is to pray his Majesty to sanction a 
National Convention of the people of Canada, 
for the purpose pf superseding the legislative 
authorities. ..His Majesty can never be advised to' 
assent, as deeming it inconsistent with the very 
existence of monarchical institutions.” Nor did 
Canadian insistence on “conventions of the people” 
in the Ninety two Resolutions of 1834 gain much 
support with the British Cabinet. In desparation! 

Assembly had recourse to t!he only sanctSjon 
known to antf 'r^cpgnisejd, in the l^st resort, by 
’ constitutional .practice, viz. './threat of 

[ May 25, 1940 

Durham's Panacea 
. It was to propose a remedy for this state ct 
things that Lord Durham was sent to Canada. 
During the recent India Debate, it was ingeni- 
ously argued by some speakers, in their anxiety 
to combat the Indian demand for a Constituent 
Assembly, notably by Sir George Schuster, that 
in India the democratic system on which political 
life in the West is based cannot, owing to the 
communal situation that prevails here, “ really 
function as we know it ”, and that some distinc- 
tive type would, therefore, have to be evolved. 
There w'cre not wanting protagonists of Sir 
George even in Lord Durham s time who 
similarly argued that the representative system 
of Government was unsuited to the Canadian 
conditions, and that “ the principles, which are 
productive of harmony and good government in 
the mother country, are by no means applicable 
to a colonial dependency,” Lord Durham’s reply 
to these objectors would serve equally for out- 
present-day, Imperialists like Sir George too. 

“ It needs no change in the principles of Govern- 
ment, ” contended Durham, “ no invention of a new 
constitutional theory, to apply the remedy which 
would, iu my opinion, completely remove the exist- 
ing political disorders. It needs but to follow out 
consistently the principles of the Dritish constitutior 
and introduce into tho Government of those great 
colonies those wise provisions, by which alone Ihr 
working of tho representative system can in any 

country be rendered harmonious and efficient I 

know not how it is possible to secure that harmony 
in any other way, than by administering the Govern- 
ment on those principles which have been founi.'! 
perfectly efficacious in Great Britain.” 

Imperialists Debunked 

Equally withering was his reply to upholders 
of the ‘ trusteeship ’ doctrine who maintained 
that Providence had made them responsible for 
the good, government of Canada for all time: 

‘'The .colonists may not always know what laws 
are , best for them, or wliich of their countrymen arc 
the , fittest for conducting their affairs; but, at least, 
they have a greater interest in coming to a right 
judgment on these points, and will take greater 
pains to do so than those whose welfare is very 
remotely and slightly affected by the good or bad 
legislation of these portions of the Empire. If the 
colonists make bad laws, and select improper persons 
to conduct their ajtTairs, they will generally be the 
only, the greatest, sufferers; and, like the people of 
other countries, they must bear the ills wffiicl: 
they bring on themselves until they choose to applv 
the remedy. But it surely cannot be the duty oi 
the interest of Great Britain to keep a most expen- 
sive military possession of these colonies in order 
that a Governor or a Secretary of State may be 
SLble to confer colonial appointments on one rather 
than another set of persons in the colonies. For 
this IS really 'the only question at issue.” 

’ Lastly, there was, ,.the group of habitual pessi- 
mists, who condemned all change in advance on. 
the Aground of past failures and used it as a.. 

oiea for the of si::tus quo which 
provided a happy hunting ground to self-centred* 
wooden- minded imperialists. “ We may derive 
some confidence from the recollection, ’ Lord 
Durham sardonically told them* that very simple 
. remedies yet remain to be resorted to for the 
.first time.’' 

Therapeutic FunedoEs of Freedom 

Instead of using the mischievous pre’centiens 
of nationality” to "‘evade the popular ciaim”, 
as the British Government had done hitherto 
and has been doing since in India and elsewhere, 
he followed the only honourable and straight- 
forward course by prescribing what Professor 
Chestor Martin of Toronto University has des- 
cribed as ‘ the therapeutic function of freedom to 
engender goodwill and co-operation in this wicked 
world.” “ V/hen I look on the various and deep- 
rooted cause of mischief which the past inquiry 
has pointed out as existing in every institution, in 
the constitutions and in every composition of 
society throughout the greater part of these 
Provinces,” he observed, “I almost shrink from 
the- apparent presumption of grappling with these 
difficulties. Nor shall I attempt to do so in detail, 
I rely on the efficacy of reform in the' constitutional 
system ' by ivliich these colonies are governed for 
the removal of every abuse in their administration 
which defective institutions have engendered. ” (Italics 
mine ) History has fully vindicated Lord Durham’s 
judgment, and the policy which he recommend- 
ed has since come to be acknowledged as the 
high-water-mark of Btitish statefsmanship and 
' political wisdom. ' 

The Rockbottom Truth 

The acceptance of Lord Durham’s recommenda- 
tions by the British Government was due not 
to an overflow of altruism, but to the rise and 
growth of the United States of America as a 
powerful independent nsftion to which Lord 
Durham drew pointed attention of the Home 
Government : , 

” I am, in trath, so far from believing that the 
increased power and weight that would be given to 
these colonies by union would .endanger their connec- 
tion with the Empire that I look to it as the only 
means of fostering such a national feeling through- 
out them as would effectively counterbalance what- 
ever tendencies may now exist towards separation... 

alist hold. She will sing ir. 
ent tune when the logic cl 
her vision and chastened her 
Sevagram, 14-5-40 

aLcgether di&c- 
o'rer.ts purified 

■j nder;s:arid*ng. 


Shri Pragjf Desai has sent us a brief report 
of good work done by the people of icebapur, 
a little villrge in Surat district, for distressed 
Ifiiarljans, In Lfiarch last year a die broke cut 
in Ifiarijans’ ’ quarters which coDsisred mostly of 
grass huts built side hy side, and before any 
effective help could be given they were all 
reduced to ashes along with every one of the 
Harijans’ humble belongings, their little stores of 
grain and so on, and they simply had to escape 
with their lives. Fourteen families were thus 
rendered homeless and helpless. Shri Pragji 
Desai, whose village is near by, ran to the spot 
held a meeting of the village folk, and asked 
them to start collections in order to rebuild the 
Harijans’ huts. The people responded readily and 
collected on the spot nearly Rs. 150. They had 
already given to the Harijans help in the shape 
of food and clothes, but this little fund became 
a nucleus for a fund to be collected by a com- 
mitte composed of the Patel and others with Shri 
Pragji Desai as Chairman, who now went to the 
neighbouring places and to Bombay to make more 
collections. The Mayavumshi Harijans of Bombay 
took up the work in right earnest and collected 
‘ something like Rs. 500. Other donations came . in 
from Hindus, Muslims and Parsis, with the result 
that dver Rs. 2;000 were collected ( including the 
gift of timber, etc. ) apd the Harijans of Iccha- 
pur are again housed in their own dwellings. 
All this was the result of a voluntary effort . 
The villagers did not . approach the Harijan 
Sevak Sangh nor did they approach any out- 
siders until they had contributed their mites, 
and that is why within a short time they were 
able to restore their homes to the homeless. 

Icchapur’s example is really commendable. Let 
the people of Ichhapur go a step further now 
and abolish untouchability by asking the .Harijans 
to come and live along with the rest of the 
inhabitants rather than be confined to their 
“ untouchable ” quarters. Without that thing 
being done there cannot be true reparation. 

Sevagram, 21-5-40 M. D. 

The influence of the United States surrounds him 
( the colonist of Great Britain ) on every side and 
is for ever present.... If we v/ish to prevent the 
extension of this influence, it can only be done by 
raising up for the North American colonist .some 
nationality of his own; and by giving their inhabi- 
tants a country which they will be unwilling to see 
absorbed into one more powerful.” 

The argument applies mutatis mutandis to the 
Indian .demand for Independence. But today, 
■instead of regarding our communal troubles as her 
concern, Britain hurls them in our face as a 
challenge, and magnifies them .before the world 
as an excuse for the continuance of her Imperi- 

Home and Village Doctor 

By Sattsh Chandra Dasgupta 
1384 pages.. 18 chapters. Copious Index of 32 pages* 
219 illustrations. Price Rs. S cloth-bound; By V. P, 
P. Rs^ 6. -Rs, -6 leather-bound; ByV- P. P. .Rs. 7. 
Published by Khadi Pratisthan, 15 College Square. 
Calcutta. Available at ( 1 ) Harijan office — Poona 4; 
( 2 ) . Harijan office. — 81 Queen’s Road, opp. Marine 
Lines . Station, Bombay 2. , : I 

Mahatma Gandhi 

By S, Radhakrishnan. (New Edition) Rs. 5-10-0. 
Postage 7 As. Available at Harijan pfficdrPoon^ 4. 
and 67 & 81 Queen's Road, Bombay 2. 



I May 25, 1940 


I read the following in the daily press; 

”A petition signed by a number of Muslims has 
been sent to the Corporation authorities that® if ‘■heir 
previous representations for the removal of Gandhiji s 
portrait from all Corporation schools for Muslim boys 
and girls is not acceded to, the institutions will be 
boycotted. They contend that the display of the 
portrait is a form of hero worship, v;hich is anti- 
Islamic. ” 

Assuming the truth of the statement, I would 
strongly advise compliance with the Muslim 
demand. Nothing is to be gained by the Congress 
party resisting the demand. At the same time 
I would suggest to the leaders of the agitation 
that it is supported by wrong argument. For 
they have surely their own heroes. The proper 
and conclusive argument is that I am no longer 
their hero. Heroes change with the times. It is 
well for public bodies to accommodate them- 
selves to such changes. 

Five Questions 

1. Can satyagrahis ( i. e, those who have signed 
the satyagraha pledge) offer defence when they are 
arrested ? 

2. May a satyagrahi make an effort to get better 
class treatment, i. e. * A ’ or ‘ B ’ ? 

3. Ought a satyagrahi in jail to acquiesce in the 
conditions imposed upon him, or should he endeavour 
to secure what he regards more humane and satis^ 
factory treatment? 

4. What is the minimum time for which a satya- 
grahi ought to spin or what is the minimum quantity 
of yarn he should produce? 

5. Can a man sign the satyagraha pledge imme- 
diately you declare civil disobedience and court arrest, 
or is there any definite period for which he should 
have remained a satyagrahi to be eligible to take 
part in the civil disobedience campaign ? 

Answers : 

1. There is no objection to offering defence, 
and in certain cases it would be a duty to do 
so as, say, in the Ajmer case. 

2. In my opinion he should not make any 
attempt to alter the class. Personally I am 
against any classification. 

3. He is entitled to make every legitimate 
effort for change to human conditions. 

4. I think one hour per day should be the 
minimum and 300 rounds per hour is a reasonable 
speed. Men engaged in public work may spin less. 

5. A man who intentionally refrains from 
signing a pledge in order to avoid fulfilment of 
conditions is a cheat and unworthy of being a 
satyagrahi. But I can conceive an honest man 
just signing the pledge and straightaway going 
to jail. Even at the risk of losing prospective 
pledge-takers and those who have taken the 
pledge, I would say that there is no immediate 
prospect of my giving the call. 

Sevagram, 20-5-40 

Andrews’ Siafluence 

Mr, A. G. Fraser of Elgin, Scotland, sends me 
the following touching letter about Deenabandhu; 

I write to you because of the great joy and 
inspiration you were to him who has just left uSj. 
Charlie Andrews, and because you, perhaps more 
than any other, will feel his loss. He has had a 

great and deeply joyful life, and amongst all the 
many things which made it rich, your friendship 
was one of the foremost. For your pleasure in him 
I would like to tell you one story of him. 

The noblest of British Governors that I have 
kuowu, Sir Guiueu Gaggisberg, whu iileraliy gave 
his life for Africans, was anxious to know Charlie 
and he asked me to arrange a meeting, if possible 
for lunch in his club, the Army and Navy club in 
Pall Mall. It is one of the most rigid clubs in 
London in its standard of dress, so I told Gaggis- 
berg that Charlie would not be dressed for clubland. 
He did not care about that, so the lunch was 

arranged. On the day, I was seated with Sir Gor- 
den when the porter came and said : * Sir, 

there is a man at the door who says be has an 
appointment with you, but I did not like to let 
him in till you had seen him.’ I said to Gaggis- 
berg, * That’s Charlie,* and it was. He was worse 

dressed than I have ever known him to be in 

Europe. But Gaggisberg was too delighted to meet 
him to think of that. We had lunch at a small 
central table and admirals, generals, governors came 
up to greet Gaggisberg who was newly back in 
England, He introduced them all to Charlie. Thus 
wc retired to an alcove for a quiet talk, and 

Charlie’s visit to British Guiana was fixed up. 

Thus Charlie had to go and Gaggisberg saw him 
down to the street and finding a taxi himself for 
him put him into it. As the taxi left he followed 
it with his eyes, his head bent. It disappeared 
round a corner and he stood very still. Then he 

turned to me and said, ‘ I feel 

as though I 


been honoured to give lunch to 

my Lord.* It 


the meeting of two great men, 

and they met 


the sake of Indian labourers in 


You will greatly feel his loss 

at this time, 


than even we who loved him here can know. 

. But 

we do pray that you and India 

through you 


he blessed, and you will be blessed.*’ 

Sevagram, 7-5-40 

M. K. 



i Page 

Question Box 

M. K. Gandhi 


Khadi Work in Tamil 


C. S. 


Charkha V. Takli ... C 

;. A. Aiyamuthu 


A Feast for the Eyes ... 

M. D. 


Our Duty 

M. K. Gandhi 



M. D. 


This Picture and That ... 



Note : 


M. D. 



M. K. G. 


Five Questions 

M. K. G. 


Andrews’ Influence 

M. K. G. 


Printed and Published by Vithal Hari Barve at the Aryabhushan Press. 915/1 Fergusson College Road, Poona 
ftvbfonption Ratoi — Inljlnd : One year, Re. 4, Bix monthe, Re. 2-8, FOREIGN : One year, Re. 5-8 or, 8 eh. or 2 I. 

iK©i Yet 

Reg. iNo. tS 

saiiof : MAHADEV DESA! 

VoL. Vin. No. 16 ] POONA — SATURDAY, JUNE 1. 1940 i ONE ANNA 


C By M. K. Gandhi ) 

Whole of Spare Time 

Q, You say an active satyagrahi should 
devote the whole of his spare time to con- 
structive work. What is your conception of 
spare time? 

A. Every minute that is not required for my 
necessary private work would be spare time. 
A merchant whose whole time is occupied in 
making money — nothing inherently wrong in it, 
if it is honestly made and equally honestly 
spent — naturally has no spare time. He cannot 
become an active satyagrahi. An active satya- 
grahi will give the least time to his private 
work. The balance is his spare time. For an 
active satyagrahi time is more than money. He 
should therefore be able to give a good account 
of every minute. In these matters the ultimate 
judge is oneself. 

How to Use Vacation 

Q, What can students do during vacation ? 
They do not want to study and would get 
tired of constant spinning. 

A. If they get tired of spinning, it shows 
that they have not understood its life-giving 
property ’and its intrinsic facination. What is 
the difficulty in understanding that every yard 
spun adds to the national wealth ? A yard of 
yarn is not much, but as it is the easiest form 
of labour it can be easily multiplied. Thus the 
potential value of spinning is very great. Students 
are expected to understand the mechanism of the 
charkha and keep it in good order. Those who 
do so, will find a peculiar facination in spinning. 
I refuse, therefore, to suggest any other occupa- 
tion. But of course spinning may give place to 
more pressing work — I mean more pressing in 
point of time. Their help may be required in 
putting the neighbouring villages in a good 
sanitary condition and in attending to the sick 
or in educating Harijan children, etc. 

Honest Doubt 

Q. Some of us belong to that section of 
Congress workers who are not firmly of the 
opinion that the charkha is no good and has to 
be discarded along with your leadership at the 
earliest possible date. Nor do we belong to 
that happy band of your followers who have 
an unshakable faith in the political, economi- 
cal and spiritual mission of the charkha. We 
believe in khadi — at any rate in the present 
circumstances of our country. But we cannot 

truthfully say tha: we understand the necessity 
for ourselves spinning. We are city people, and 
there is very little scope for the charkha here 
as a bread- giver. However, we are anxious to 
be enrolled as satyagrahis. We can promise that 
we shall- conscientiously spin as required by you, 
but we are not in a position to promise that 
faith in it which you desire. It is possible that 
as we ply the charkha the faith may come. 
But, for the present, it is as we have stated. 
Can we honestly sign the satyagraha pledge ? 

A. Of course you can be enrolled. All those 
who spin do not do so because of the bread- 
giving property of the wheel. Many spin for 
sacrifice, to set a good example, and to create 
the spinning atmosphere. 

Test for All Members 

Q. I am one of the secretaries of a Congress 
committee, I have a feeling that some of those 
who have signed the pledge are not carrying 
it out — particularly the clause about spinning. 
Can we put to them the question, whether 
they spin or not ? And, if we feel that their 
answers are evasive or untrue, is it part of our 
duty to hold an enquiry into the matter? Some 
of us feel that we must accept their word, and 
not be too searching, 

A. As secretaries it is your duty to devise 
rules so that there would be an automatic test 
for all members, not merely for doubtful ones, 
spinning or not spinning. One test will be that 
the members deliver to a depot the yarn they 
spin. Every member is expected to keep a 
daily record of his output. But a nagging 
inquiry should undoubtedly be avoided. 

Recruitment v. Constructive Work 

Q, Which would you prefer — whether we 
should devote all our time to recruiting satya- 
grahis or set about organising consructive work 
with the satyagrahis that we already have on hand? 

A. Of course you will organise constructive 
work with those you have. This will by itself 
attract recruits. 

Men and Women 

Q, I should like to know whether you would 
approve of men and women satyagrahis mixing 
promiscuously and working together, or whether 
they should be organised into separate units 
with a clear delimitation of the field of each. 
My experience is that the former must lead, as 
it has led, to a lot of indiscipline and corrup- 
tion, If you agree with me, what rules would 
you suggest to combat the potential evil? 


HARIJAN [ JUNE 1, 1940 

A. I should like to have separate units. 
Women have more than enough work amongst 
women. Our womenfolk are terribly neglected, 
and hundreds of intelligent women workers of 
sterling honesty are required to work among them. 
On principle too I believe in the two sexes 
functioning separately. But I would lay down 
no hard and fast rules. Good sense must govern 
zhe relations between the two. There should be 
no barrier erected between the two. Their 
mutual behaviour should be natural and spon- 

Khadi and Advertisement 

Q. Do you approve of the policy that is 
being followed by the Charkha Sangh in some 
places, of pushing the sale of khadi by the use, 
for instance, of loud speakers, popular gramophone 
records and the like? Don’t you think that 
advertising apart from supplying the necessary 
information about the marketing of khadi is 
undignified and incompatible with the khadi 
spirit ? 

A. I see nothing wrong or undignified in 
making use of loud speakers, etc., to popularise 
khadi. Through these means too one does no 
more than give the prices and other information 
about khadi. It will be certainly undignified 
and worse if false information is given whether 
with or without the use of loud speakers and 
the like. 

Will to Live 

Q. It has been said that the “ will to live” 
is irrational; being born of a deluded attachment 
to life. Why is then suicide a sin ? 

A. The will to live is not irrational. It is 
also natural. Attachment to life is not a delu- 
sion, it is very real. Above all, life has a pur- 
pose. To seek to defeat that purpose is a sin. 
Therefore suicide is very rightly held to be a sin. 

Sevagram, 28-5-40 


Apropos of the suggestion that the Congress 
should suspend its struggle and help Britain in 
her extremity, a European friend exclaimed ; 

“ How will suspension help the Allies ? The 
Congress occupies its present position owing to the 
prestige which her moral struggle gives her. To 
suspend the struggle is to destroy her status. 
Nazism will not be overthrown on the battle-field. 
It is the product of the last war. Today the 
Germans believe with the rest that the only effec- 
tive sanction for the establishment of right in the 
present-day world is force. Their conviction is based 
on their past experience. The only effective check 
against Nazism is the successful application of the 
Congress principle of satyagraha for gaining Indian 
independence and liquidating a centuries old dispute 
with Britain. The Congress is unknowingly helping 
the Allied cause and the German people by un- 
compromisingly adhering to her full demand in terms 
of satyagraha and refusing to take advantage of 
Eritain’s distress.” 

It is interesting to note how even a military 
authority like Captain Liddell Hart arrives at a 
similar conclusion by arguing from altogether 
different premises. It was some time back that 
he gave the warning that nothing could be more 
fatal to the Allied cause than to pin their faith 
on a smashing victory on the battle-field. Here 
is what he has recently written in The Sunday 
Dispatch, After discussing the possibility of a 
huge German offensive and extensive air raids 
by the Allies into the heart of Germany, he 
observes : 

“Cannot we find a better way, a way of ‘curing 
Hitlerism’ instead of merely crushing it down — to 
spring up again after another period of enforced 
and embittered peace? 

A declaration that we were renouncing military 
assault as a means of curing aggression would 
be a far-sighted move, reinforcing our moral posi- 
tion, while forestalling the growth of disillusionment 
over our apparent inactivity. 

It might well be the first point in the develop- 
ment of a new technique for countering aggression, 
one suited to present-day conditions and our parti- 
cular situation. 

It should be reinforced by such a statement of 
our war aims brief but sufficiently explicit, as would 
make it clear that the German people, individually 
and collectively, have more to gain than to lose by 
a return to peaceful conditions on the basis of 
mutual agreement; and that their enjoyment of such 
a prospect is bound up with the recognition and 
restoration of the rights of other people. 

So long as the Allied statesmen use Ihe old 
military language about ‘victory’, so long will the 
German people naturally interpret the idea of peace 
in terms of Versailles,” 

It is the fashion these days to dub those 
who advocate this line of thinking as visionaries, 
while those who swear by the undiluted might 
of armaments and “ cannon fodder ” anyhow 
obtained are described as realists. To such the 
following from World Youth should act as an 
eye-opener : 

“ Those who call themselves realists too often 
distort the meaning of the terms. A realist is one 
who can accept a fact. And no fact has been more 
conclusively proved than that peace by conquest is 
no peace^ but war on a new front. Peace is bred 
when the strong surrenders to the weak the rights 
he could withhold. Peace is never achieved by 
victory over others, but only by victory over one’s 
self; by a proud and confident adherence to the 
principle of right, and of rights — the rights of others 
as precious as one’s own, " 

Sevagram 28-5-40 Pyarelal 

Hindus & Musalmans of India 

By Atulananda Chakrabarti 

Price Rs. 2-8-0. Postage 4 As. extra. 

I Follow the Mahatma 
By K. M. Munshi 

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June 1, 1940 i 




The Hoiflir of Peril 

The latest, and one may hope the last, phase 
cf the war is, to adopt Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s 
description, a Napoleonic phase. The use of the 
word by one who is a sworn enemy of Im- 
perialism no less than he is of Nazism is signi- 
ficant. Imperialism and all its ruinous history 
apart, there is no question in anybody’s mind 
that the arch-aggressor in the war is Hitler, 
and when one thinks of his sweeping and even 
pictorious aggression one automatically uses the 
phrase * Napoleonic That the hour of peril is 
near and the situation as grave as it can possi- 
bly be is apparent from the statements of British 
and French statesmen. What could be more 
significant than these ringing words of Mr, 
Atlee who appealed to his countrymen to sacrifice 
their all in order to express “ the will and 
determination of a free people”: 

“The Government is convinced that now is the 
time when we must mobilise to the full the whole 
resources of this country. We must throw all our 
weight into the struggle. Every private interest must 
give way to the urgent need of the community. We 
cannot know what the next few weeks or even days 
may bring forth, but whatever may come, we shall 
meet it as British people in the past have met 
dangers and overcome them. But it is necessary 
that the Government should be given complete control 
over persons and property, not just some persons or 
some particular class of community, but over all 
persons rich or poor, employer or worker, man or 
woman, or property... What is proposed is that there 
should be control over persons and over property. The 
Minister cf Labour will be given power to direct any 
person to perform any services required. That does 
not necessarily mean service in munitions or factories- 
It does not apply only to workmen. It applies to 
everybody. Everybody alike must be under this 
control. He will be able to prescribe the terms of 
remuneration, terms of labour, or hours of service. 
Remuneration will be on the basis of remuneration 
for the job. If an engineer is asked to do an 
engineer’s work, he gets an engineer’s pay. If some- 
one else is asked to do the job, he gets the pay 
of that job. If a professional man has to do profe- 
ssional work, he gets the professional pay; but if he 
is asked to do manual work, he gets the manual pay.’’ 

That is the least that those who have the 
honour to belong to a free nation should do in 
the hour of its peril. . 

India’s Part 

Hitler’s Nepoleonic exploits have stirred some 
of us to make statements which do credit to 
their generous impulses but not to their sense 
of reality. What can India in her crippled state 
of dependence do ? Have Indians “ the will and 
the determination of a free people”? Even one 
like Dr. R. P, Paranjpye has made this admis- 
sion : ” The policy of the Government has been 
to keep Indians absolutely dependent on Britain 
for their defence. This policy is now seen to 
have been absolutely short-sighted. Even now 

no attempt is being made to organise the man 
power and resources of India at least for local 
defence. With longer vision India would have 
been able to give material help to Britain in 
her hour of trial.” 

Moral Gesture Needed 

Pandit Jawaharlal put the moral issues quite 
clearly in his forceful statement made at the 
early stage of the present crisis. A little after 
this Mio Churchill referred to the British Empire 
and said there was no survival for the British 
Empire without victory. What is forgotten, one 
has painfully to point out, is that the very 
Empire to which its soldier-statesmen are sticking 
on, may be a terrible handicap in the desperate 
race for victory. Even if crippled India were to- 
be put upon her legs today, she could not as by 
a magic wand produce the material needed for a 
victorious violent war. But if she was put upon 
her legs and raised from the status of a depen- 
dency to the status of an independent ally, all 
Hitler’s excuse for wanton aggression would be 
gone. What is more, British statesmen would be 
only making good the democratic statements that 
they have made ■— all during the past six months. 
“Wc are fighting in defence o£ freedom/’ said 
Lord Halifax. “We are fighting for peace; we are 
meeting a challenge to our own security and that 
of others; we are defending the rights of all 
nations to live their own UvesS* (Italics mine) 
Mr. Anthony Eden declared about the same 
time that all war effort — be was talking of 
the Dominions — “was based, as I believe, on a 
positive faith, and that positive faith is Parlia- 
mentary Government by a free community.” 

( He forgot that “ war effort ” in India was 
impossible, as there is no Parliamentary Govern- 
ment and no free community.) “If we really 
mean to build a clean, ordered, secure world 
after this war,” said Sir Herbert Morrison, “ wc 
must be ready for sacrifices as individuals, as 
classes, as a nation.'^ And “all peoples have a 
right to live in security and independence,” 
declared Mr. Arthur Greenwood, 

But the fight is for victory. And as Guy 
Chapman, the compiler of that fine miscellany 
of the last World War has said in Vain Glory: 

“ The peculiarity of war lies in the fact that 
whole communities are directed to a single objective — 
victory^ and the reason they were induced to co- 
operate, the clash of philosophies and creeds, is for- 
gotten in the closer obsession of the desire to win. 
It is not belief in the cause, but the strength of 
the desire for victory which, as it waxes and wanes, 
is the basis of what is called morale.” 

Mr. Churchill’s words, Lord Gort’s words, 
and now Mr. Amery’s statement repeating Lord 
Zetland’s language, betray that “ obsession of 
the desire to win”, and forgetfulness of the 
very moral considerations that alone -can speed 
Britain to victory. It is a sad reflection to 
make, but none the less true. 

Sevagram, 27-5-40 Da 



1 June 1 


S940 1 


(By M. K. Gandhi) 

The reader will find in another column Dr. 
Ram Manohar Lohia s plea for immediate civil 
disobedience. I endorse his prescription for ensur- 
ing world peace. For enforcing the acceptance 
of his prescription he would have immediate 
civil disobedience. Here I must join issue. If 
Dr. Lohia subscribes to my conception of the 
working of non-violence, he will at once admit 
that the present is no atmosphere for influenc- 
ing the Britisher in the right direction through 
civil disobedience. Dr. Lohia agrees that the 
British Government should not be embarrassed. 
I fear that any step towards direct action is 
bound to cause them embarrassment. If I start 
now, the whole purpose of civil disobedience 
will be defeated. 

I would unhesitatingly declare civil disobe- 
dience if the country was demonstrably non- 
violent and disciplined. But unfortunately we 
have many groups outside the Congress who 
believe in neither non-violence nor civil dis- 
obedience. In the Congress itself there are all 
shades of opinion about the efficacy of non- 
violence. Congressmen who believe in the appli- 
cation of non-violence for the defence of India 
can be counted on the finger-tips. Though we 
have made great strides towards non-violence, 
we have not arrived at a stage when we can 
hope to be unconquerable. Any false step at 
the present time may end in the loss of the 
great moral prestige the Congress has gained. We 
have sufficiently demonstrated that the Con- 
gress has done with imperialism, and that it will 
not be satisfied with anything less than the 
unfettered right of self-determination. 

If the British Government will not suo motu 
declare India as a free country having the right 
to determine her own status and constitution, I 
am of opinion that we should wait till the heat 
of the battle in the heart of the Allied coun- 
tries subsides and the future is clearer than it 
is. We do not seek our independence out of 
Britain's ruin. That is not the way of non- 

But we shall have many opportunities of 
demonstrating our power if we really have it. 
We can make it felt at the time of peace 
which must come whichever party wins. 

Have we got the power? Is India at ease 
without having uptodate arms? Does not India 
feel helpless without the ability to defend her- 
self against aggression? Do even Congressmen 
feel secure? Or do they not feel that for some 
years to come at any rate India will have to 
be helped by Britain or some other power? If 

[ June 1, iS40 

such is our unfortunate plight, how can we 
hope to make an effective contribution towards 
an honourable peace after the war or universal 
disarmament ? We must first demonstrate the 
efficacy of non-violence of the strong in our 
own country before we can expect to influence 
the tremendously armed powers of the West. 

But many Congressmen are playing at non- 
violence. They think in terms of civil disobe- 
dience anyhow meaning the filling of jails. This 
is a childish interpretation of the great force 
that civil disobedience is. I must continue to 
repeat, even though it may cause nausea, that 
prison-going without the backing of honest con- 
structive effort and goodwill in the heart for 
the wrong-doer is violence and therefore forbidden 
in satyagraha. Force generated by non-violence 
is infinitely greater than the force of all the 
arms invented by man’s ingenuity. Non-violence, 
therefore, is the decisive factor in civil disobe- 
dience. At this the most critical moment in 
India's history, I will not play with the force 
whose hidden possibilities I have been humbly 
trying to explore now for nearly half a century. 
Fortunately in the last resort I have myself to 
fall back upon. I have been told that people 
cannot be non-violent overnight. I have never 
contended they can. But I have held that by 
proper training they can be, if they have the 
will. Active non-violence is necessary for those 
who will offer civil disobedience, but the will 
and proper training are enough for the people 
to co-operate with those who arc chosen for 
disobedience. The constructive work prescribed 
by the Congress is the proper training. Given 
the preparation, the Congress will make perhaps 
the most effective contribution toward ending 
the war in the right way. Disarmament of India 
though compulsory in origin, if it is voluntarily 
adopted by the nation as a virtue and if India 
makes a declaration that she will not defend 
herself with arms, can materially influence the 
European situation. Those, therefore, who wish 
to see India realise her destiny through non- 
violence should devote every ounce of their 
energy towards the fulfilment of the construc- 
tive programme in right earnest without any 
thought of civil disobedience. 

Sevagram, 28-5-40 

“Will Leave No Stone Unturned'’ 

Interviewed on Mr. Amcrys’ statement in the 
House of Commons, Gandhiji said: 

“While hourly butchery is going on in the 
West and peaceful homes are being destroyed, 
I have no heart to say anything publicly in 
regard to Mr. Amery’s statement. Suffice it to 
say that I will leave no stone unturned to 
bring about a peaceful and honourable settle- 
ment of the present deadlock.” 

Mahatma Gandhi 

By S. Radhakrishnan. (New Edition) Rs, 5-10-0. 
Postage 8 As. Available at Harijan office-Poona 4, 
and 67 & 81 Queen's Road, Bomtey 2. 

June 1 , 1940 ] 




C By M. K. Gandhi ) 

Five gentlemen from Hyderabad Deccan have 
sent me an offer to which there is a long 
preface containing all kinds of innuendoes against 
me. I need not burden these columns with their 
preface. If the adjectives used against me are 
deserved, they will stand whether I advertise 
them or not. If they are due to the ignorance 
of the authors, as I know they are, it is well 
for me not to notice them. Here is the offer : 

“Will Gandhiji agree that the whole Samajist 
movement which led to this and many other inci- 
dents should be thoroughly investigated by a Com- 
mission, whose head should be a Parsi or a Chris- 
tian, with an equal number of Hindu and Muslim 
members? We are even prepared if Gandhiji agrees 
to arbitrate himself, as we are confident that the 
evidence with us will prove the case. As a prelimi- 
nary, congenial atmosphere to conduct such an enquiry 
is all that is required. We, therefore, suggest 
that Gandhiji will not hesitate to demand that all 
•the cases pending in court in connection with the 
Bidar conflagration should be withdrawn. We do 
■not, of course, plead that cases of a serious nature, 
as that of murder or cases having no connection 
with the conflagration, should be included. 

Gandhiji is also of opinion that compensation should 
be given to those who have suffered. We fail to 
understand the logic behind it# If communal incidents 
are to be compensated, what would be the burden 
on the Exchequer ? Would the riots not be employed 
.as a weapon to bring financial failure upon the 
•Government? Is it a remedy or an encouragement? 
It is a novel demand indeed# We hope Gandhiji 
will accept our offer."’ 

I have no difficulty about accepting the offer 
unreservedly. If the writers succeed in persuad- 
ing the Government of H. E. H. likewise to 
.accept the offer, they will have established a 
precedent which may well be followed in all 
■such cases. Needless to say, if the court sug- 
rgested by my correspondents comes into being, 
the composition and terms of reference will 
have to be by agreement. 

I am asked- to demand the withdrawal of the 
cases- instituted against persons suspected of 
complicity. They were not instituted at my 
instance, and I presume they will not be with- 
drawn on my demand. But I should have no 
'.hesitation in approving of all withdrawals if 
the court of inquiry is appointed. I assure my 
'friends that I am interested in elucidation of 
truth, not in the punishment of the guilty. 

But I am sorry I cannot forego the sugges- 
tion for compensation. Compensation has been 
asked because it is alleged that the authorities 
failed to do their duty. The question of com- 
pensation has naturally to be referred to the 
proposed tribunal. My correspondents assure me 
of the sincerity of their proposal. I do not 
doubt it. I shall await the results of their efforts 
to have the offer accepted by the State. I wish 
them every success. Sevagram, 28-5-40 


( By M. K, Gandhi ) 

Several correspondents protest against my 
referring to the arguments advanced in favour 
of partition. They say that Islam is not exclu- 
sive, and that it teaches universal brotherhood 
and toleration, I have never denied this claim. 
It was because of my knowledge of Islam that 
I felt grieved ever the arguments which go 
to prove the contrary. Almost every Muslim 
writing I take up nowadays contains disparage- 
ment of Hindus and Hinduism. It cannot be 
otherwise if the case for partition is to be 
proved. But my correspondents are angry when 
I point out the anomaly. They say I have 
hastily come to the conclusion from isolated 
writings of unimportant Muslims. Unfortunately, 
the arguments referred to by me have proceed- 
ed from important Muslims. 

But where the writers score over me is in 
regard to Hindu untouchability. They say in 
effect : “ You should be ashamed of bringing 
the charge of untouchability against the Muslim 
League. First cast out the beam from the Hindu 
eye before you attempt to deal with the mote 
in the Muslim eye. Has not the Hindu main- 
tained for a thousand years complete boycott of 
Muslims? He will not drink or cat with him. 
He will not intermarry. He will not even let 
his house to him. Can you conceive a more 
effective isolation of a whole community .than 
the Hindu has carried out? Will it not be a 
just nemesis if the Muslim now turns round 
and pays you in your own coin?” 

I have admitted as much. Whatever the 
Muslims do by way of retaliation will be richly 
deserved by Hindus. My question was and is, 
should they do so ? Does it behove a great 
political party to play upon religious prejudices ? 

Whatever the Muslim League does or does 
not do, it behoves thoughtful Hindus to take 
note of the deserved taunt and purge Hinduism 
of its exclusiveness. It will not be protected 
by artificial barriers which have no sanction in 
ancient Hinduism or reason. Well did Maulana 
Abul Kalam Azad say the other day how sick 
he was of hearing the cry at railway stations 
of Hindu and Muslim tea or water. I know 
this touch-me-not-ism is deep-rooted [in Hindu- 
ism as it is practised today. But there is no 
reason why it should be tolerated by Congress- 
men. If they will* be correct in their behaviour, 
they will pave the way for a radical trans- 
formation of Hindu society. The message of anti- 
untouchability does not end in merely touching 
the so-called untouchables. It has a much 
deeper meaning. 

Sevagram, 28-5-40 


Issues of Vols. I to VI of Harijan, with certain 
exceptions, can be had from us for 3 As. per copy 
(including postage). Issues of VoL VIII will be 
had at the published price plus postage. Manager 



[ June 1, 1940' 


Innumerable people all over the ■world, who 
have been plunged into sorrow by the recent 
death of Charles Frere Andrews, must have been 
feeling, in their grief, that it behoves his friends 
to carry on the work of service and reconcilia- 
tion in which he laboured so greatly. We would 
not willingly let die the memory of his life; we 
seek a way to perpetuate, in permanent and 
visible form, the spirit of that life, Andrews’ 
permanent Indian home, the place with which 
for over a quarter of a century he affectionately 
identified himself, was Santiniketan in the 
Birbhum district of Bengal. This Ashram was origi- 
nally founded by the late Maharshi Debendra- 
nath Tagore and supported by the ancestral 
funds. Under the leadership of his son, the Poet 
Rabindranath Tagore, the educational institutions 
at Santiniketan, with the centre of rural recon- 
struction close by at Sriniketan, have far out- 
grown the first conception, and become a world- 
frmous centre of international culture. To the 
welfare of these institutions, with their vision of 
universal brotherhood and their service of inter- 
national understanding and peace, Andrews, the 
Poet’s closest friend, gave his whole-hearted devo- 
tion. No private resources could be adequate 
for the support of such a centre of study and 
research, and many of the financial and other 
contributions which have been made to it from 
East and West alike have been owed to Andrews’ 
perseverance, hard work, and faith in its future. 
No more fitting place can be conceived for a 
memorial to him, nor one which he himself 
would have loved better, as we who came into 
the closest contact with him know. 

It is true that no memorial in stone and 
mortar can fully perpetuate Andrews’ memory. 
That can best be done by promoting true and 
lasting peace between India and Great Britain 
as independent nations and, through their joint 
efforts, universal peace. But this work of recon- 
ciliation must find concrete form in some centre 
from which his influence can radiate. There 
could be no better memorial to him than that 
the place where he found his spiritual home 
and greatest human inspiration, should be so 
endowed as to enable it to fulfil his high hopes 
for it unhampered by the constant financial 
anxiety with which it is now burdened. In his 
name and that of the Poet whose vision he so 
entirely shared, we appeal for this endowment 
to be generously given. 

There or two projected developments of the 
work of Santiniketan and Sriniketan which 
Charles Andrews himself . specially longed to see. 
The generous response of the public to our 
appeal for a memorial fund will enable them 
both to be carried out in addition to ensuring 
the permanence of the present established work. 
They are as follows: 

Andrews was most appropriately called ‘Deena- 
bandhu’, the friend of the poor, and the poor 
of the Birbhum district knew his friendship. The 

rural centre at Sriniketan- has a good doctor and 
dispensary but no hospital or operating theatre. 
We propose to build a small but properly 
equipped hospital to serve the villages round us, 
and to dig each year ‘Deenabandhu wells’ in 
the neediest areas. The Birbhum district is not 
served by the large rivers of Bengal, and lack 
of adequate water supply is the main cause of 
its grinding poverty. 

It was true insight which caused an Indian 
friend to interpret the initials C. F. A. as 
meaning ‘ Christ's Faithful Apostle”. Christ was 
the centre of his life. Devotion to Him was his 
outstanding characteristic and the source of his 
inspiration and strength. During the last months 
at Santiniketan he often expressed the hope 
that in this place, where the civilisations of the 
world can share with each other the bases of 
their strength, there might be established a Hall 
of Christian culture which could do for India’s 
thought through contact with the Western world 
what the ‘ Cheena-Bhawan ’ is expected to do 
for our relationship with China. The central 
purpose of the Hall would be the study of the 
teaching and character of Christ and its appli- 
cation to the solution of international problems. 
It would seek to attract scholars and students, 
especially of the East, to the task of interpret- 
ing in their own modes of -thought the spirit 
and mind of Christ. We envisage a modest 
building, suJEciently endowed to enable us to 
offer such scholars and students a home at a 
minimum cost, with simple living accommoda- 
tion, meeting hall, and the library whose nucleus- 
Charles Andrews had already begun to assemble. 
He himself made Santiniketan his headquarters' 
during a life of practical Christian service which 
reached out from here to the ends of the earth. 
We hope that such a Hall would enable others 
consecrated to the same kind of service tO' 
enjoy the same kind of home. 

The full carrying out of this programme will 
require a fund of at least Rs. 500,000 (£40,000). 
We ask Andrews’ friends and admirers all over 
the world to give liberal support to a scheme 
which will make possible, in his name, the 
preservation and enrichment of this work nearest 
to his own heart. 

Santiniketan and Sriniketan are in the charge 
of Dr. Rabindranath Tagore, Founder-President, 
Sir Nilratan Sarkar, Shri Hirendranath Datta, 
Shri L. K. Elmhirst, Dr. D. M. Bose, Treasurer, 
and Shri Rathindranath Tagore, General Secretary, 
as trustees. The trust deed is registered. Its 
corpus today is valued at Rs, 1,700,000. Its. 
annual expenditure is about Rs. 330,000. 

Abul Kalam Azad 
S. K. Datta 
M. K. Gandhi 
M. M. Malaviya 
Sarojini Naidu 
Jawaharlal Nehru 
V. S. Srinivasa Sastri 
Foss Westcott (Bishop) 



June i, 1940 ] 


( By Ram Manohar Lohia ) 

The turn of events in Europe has made it 
dear that the Allies ate not as strong as was 
earlier imagined, and that Germany is not as 
weak as was made out at the beginning of the 
war. Germany and the Allies appear to be 
evenly matched, with the advantage for the 
present very much to Germany, The war, there- 
fore, cannot end soon, unless there is surprise 
.defeat and destruction of one or the other or 
unless a vital change of policies and aims is 

The longer this war continues the greater is 
the possibility of its extension over other coun- 
tries of Europe and the rest of the world. 
The continuing and extension of the war can 
have only one consequence, destruction. This 
will involve not only deaths and epidemics 
and laying waste of cities and villages and 
objects of material comfort, but also the ruining 
of superior emotions of man. There will be 
increasing hunger for cruelty in all lands. 

The end of the war will probably see no 
better results than those in its duration. The 
victory of Germany will produce Nazi domina- 
tion over the larger part of Europe, for the 
Hitler principle of national security is only a 
respectable term for conquest and imperialist 
rule. But the victory of Germany’s enemies, as 
things stand today, is also not likely to lead to 
any better world. Germany’s enemies are them- 
selves imperialists and, as the war drags on, 
their commitments with other Powers will 
•almost surely be of an imperialist character. 
With the one aim of securing victory, an aim 
already officially accepted by their spokesmen, 
Britain and France may have to buy the friend- 
ship, at least the neutrality, of Japan or Italy 
or any other similar Power. Such a purchase 
can be made only at the expense of the free- 
dom of peoples in China or in Africa and else- 

It is undoubtedly true that, if the war con- 
tinues long, there will be enormous destruction 
and nobody can say what the outcome may be. 
The fighting Powers, in their victory as much 
as in their defeat, may become too weak to 
enforce their treaties and contracts. 

Against this background of a continuing and 
extending war, the Indian people has to decide 
its course of action. This action should be 
such as to secure the freedom of the country 
in the midst of a free and peaceful world 
where the enemies of freedom cannot prosper. 
The duration of the war and its destruction 
and cruelty should, so far as it lies wtihin the 
power of the Indian people, be lessened. 

The cry to arm the nation in co-operation 
with the British Government shows unawareness 
both of the international background and of the 
aim of the Indian people. Indo-British co-opera- 
tion towards arming India during the present 
war will, firstly, defer the day of freedom and, 

secondly, force the Indian people to take increas- 
ing part in destruction. As far as real national 
defence is concerned, the fate of people in 
Poland, Holland, Belgium and even France is 
there with their many decades of army tradi- 
tion and training and long years of military 
mechanisation. If India is to militarise herself 
for national defence, let this be clear that two 
decades at least of industrial and army pre- 
parations would be necessary, and any amount of 
arming during this war will leave us helpless, 
either voluntarily or therwise, in the hands of 
a bigger Power. 

We have to think of some other way con- 
sistent with our aim and the international back- 

Those world forces which are anxious to re- 
move aggression and conquest and foreign rule 
must without delay collect on a platform which 
will give them strength and deprive their 
enemies of confidence. Such a platform can 
be short and simple. 

(1) All peoples will be free. The peoples 
newly freed will determine their constitution 
through a Constituent Assembly elected on the 
basis of adult franchise. 

(2) All races are equal, and there will be no 
race privileges in any part of the world. There 
will be no political bar to any man settling 
wherever he likes. 

(3) Credits and investments of the nationals 
and the government of one country in another 
will be scrapped or submitted for review to 
international tribunals. Such credits and invest- 
ments will then be owned not by individuals 
but by the nation. 

When these three principles will have been 
accepted by the peoples of the world a fourth 
will also come into operation. 

(4) There will be total disarmament. 

If the world that is not Hitler’s were really 
anxious to establish peace and freedom in the 
world, it would straightaway accept the first 
three principles of this platform and put them 
into immediate operation in the territories under 
its control. This would generate forces of incal- 
culable strength and an atmosphere of gripping 
goodwill. The world that is Hitler’s will either 
quail or bow. Even if that does not happen 
and the war continues, it will be short and 

The Allies arc showing no inclination to accept 
this platform of ideals, and the progress of war 
in Europe is accompanied by incredible destruc- 
tion and terror and feat of more. The battles 
in Holland, Belgium and France, destructive of 
human culture as they are, appear to be only 
the ‘beginnings. The worst may yet come. 

In waiting for the British Government to take 
the initiative or in allowing for a further long 
period of preparations, the Indian National 
Congress will be indirect party to the prolonga- 
tion of the war and its consequent miseries 
and dangers to the Indian people and the 



[ Juke 1, 1940 

world- The freedom of India may not wait, not 
only in her own interest but in that of world 
peace, Satyagraha must now be declared. 

it and by their solid work impress the people- 
with their sincerity, 

Sevagram, 27-5-40 M. ]K„ G. 

If the Congress gives v/ithout delay the call 
of satyagraha to the Indian people for the two 
principles of the Constituent Assembly and of 
cancellation or impartial review of British credits 
and investments, it will do its duty by the 
Indian people and might generate just those 
world forces which will bring the war to a 
speedy end and assure reconstruction of the 
world on the basis of freedom and peace. 

Satj^agraba here and now is not an attempc to 
esploic Britain’s recent defeats. On the contrary 
these defeats have heightened India’s responsi- 
bility towards herself and also towards the 
Britain which is anxious to defeat all that 
Hitler stands for; and satyagraha will only be 
the expression of this heightened responsibility. 
Nevertheless, a period of two weeks or a 
month — as a further delay would not be in 
keeping with the rapid pace of change in the 
world — may be given to Britain to make up her 
mind about the platform of ideals which alone 
can defeat Hitler. Incidentally, the Congress 
will thus invite the United States. Russia and 
even Germany to revise their policies and aims. 
If Britain and others should still misunderstand 
the satyagraha of the Congress as an effort to 
make use of an adversary’s difficulty, history 
will, judge between them. 


Kerala Congress 

Mian Iftikharuddin after his visit to Kerala 
reported to me that the differences between rival 
groups that were hampering real progress in 
Kerala had been settled. I was happy to have 
the report. But letters since received from 
Kerala go to show that the settlement was 
superficial I have before me a long resolution 
passed by the Kerala Provincial Congress Com- 
mittee which condemns almost all my acts and 
writings, ridicules the constructive programme, 
and yet to fulfil the letter of the Congress law 
half-heartedly endorses the Congress resolution. I 
suggest to the Kerala Congressmen who are res- 
ponsible for the resolution that this is neither good 
soldiership nor sportsmanship. The letter killeth, 
the spirit giveth life. Congressmen should under- 
stand the spirit of the resolution and carry it 
out. They will put life into me and themselves. 
If they cannot, it will be brave and honourable 
to resist in a dignified manner the present 
leadership and programme. The resolution be- 
fore me merely confounds the people to whom 
it is addressed. I hope that the leaders of the 
majority group in Kerala will realise their 
mistake and retrace their steps. But whether 
they do so or not, the minority who have 
faith in the programme should quietly pursue 

The BeiniefkeEiit Eee 

The following is taken from A. W. McCanns 
The Scmice of Eating : 

“ The Van Rensslaer apple orchard in Medina 

County, Ohio, produced on the average 500 bushels 

of apples annually until its owner trimmed and sprayed 
his trees and began to keep bees, whereupon the 
production of the same orchard, with not a single 
new tree, leaped from 500 bushels to 16,000 bushels- 
in a single season. 

The Repp farm in Gloucester County, New Jersey... 
is now producing 1,20,000 bushels of apples. Repp' 
himself declares that so indispensable are bees to 
the growing of fruit in this country that fruit 
growers can afford to pay local bee men at the rate 
of 5 dollars a colony merely to have the bees in 
the orchards during the time the trees are in bloom,, 
letting the owners of the bees take them away again 
at once 

Dr. Philips of the Bureau of Entomology, 
Washington, declares that fruit orchards cannot be 
planted properly on an extensive scale without main- 
taining in connection with them numerous colonies 
of honey bees and that. ..bee-keeping adds indirectly 
more to the resources of the country, by flower 
pollination than by the scale of honey and wax. 

The orange growers of Florida now know what 
the bee means to their crops. Sweet cherry orchards 
have jumped from a production of 13 tons to 39- 
tons merely through the introduction of a few 
colonies of bees to the acre. Even the tomato is 
pollinated by the bee. 

In Massachusetts alone there are now over 
2,000 colonies of bees pollinating cucumbers, squashes 
melons and pumpkins. The grape, strawberry, black- 
berry, raspberry, cranberry, blueberry, gooseberry, 
currant plum and pear need the bee. 

In New Zealand red clover could not be culti- 
vated until honey bees were imported from 

Greater demand for honey as a sugar food means 
more bees. More bees mean more food of every 

Love of honey is, therefore, one of the most 
productive of the forces now engaged in the 
growing and harvesting of crops; in the recons- 
truction of the world itself. 

V. G. 



Question Box 

M. K. Gandhi 


Three Witnesses 



Occasional Notes 

M. D. 


Not Yet 

M. K. Gandhi 



M. K. Gandhi 


Curse of Untouchability 

M. K. Gandhi 


Deenabandhu Memorial ... 

M. K. Gandhi 

& Others 


“Immediate Satyagraha” ... 

R. M. Lohia 


Notes : 

“Will Leave No 

Stone Unturned’’ ... 

M. K. G. 


Kerala Congress 

M. K. G. 


The Beneficent Bee 

V. G. D. 


Printed and Published by Vithal Hari Barve at the Aryabhushan Press, 915/1 Fergusson College Road, Poona*^.- 
SuWiption Rates— I nland: One year, Rs. 4, Six months, Rs. 2-S, FOREIGN : One year, Bs, 5-a or, 8 sh. or 2 3. 

Reg. No. E 3092 


VoL. vnr, No. 17 3 POONA — SATURDAY, JUNE 8, 1940 [ ONE ANNA 


Peace in Siroh! 

Some time ago I had regretfully to comment 
on happenings in Sirohi. I am therefore happy 
to be able to note that there is now peace 
between the State and the people. The credit may 
be equally divided between the State and the 
satyagrahis. The satyagrahis were ably led by 
Achaiya Gokulbhai who is a firm believer in 
the principles of satyagraha. Let me hope that 
the relations between the two will daily become 
more and more cordial, and that there never 
will be any cause for quarrel between the State 
and the people. 


Shri T. S. ^ Jadhav, President District Local 
Board, Sholapur, writes: 

“ I have been incessantly making effort to give 
facilities to the Harijans especially with regard to 
their immediate needs in respect of water supply, 
educaticn, etc The Congress Board has opened a 
good number of wells to the Harijans, and has also 
arranged to put up notices to that effect at these 
wells. But it is a matter of regret that the Harijans 
are not inclined to take advantage of this facility 
for fear of being put to trouble by the ‘ touchables*. 
During my tours in the district, I have been request- 
ing the latter to allow Harijans the exercise of this 
legitimate right without any ill effects and exhorting 
the Harijans to have sufficient courage to establish their 
fundamental right of drinking water from any public 
well. This I have been doing through public meetings, 
articles and private discussions. As a pratical instance, 
I go myself to a public well in a village after a 
public meeting with some Harijans, * touchable * 
Congress workers, and a few other prominent villagers, 
and all of us drink water from the well after it has 
been drawn by a Plarijan. But it is found tl it 
the ‘ touchables * who take part in this function are 
often boycotted and the Harijans visited with 
various kinds of troubles by the * touchables’ who 
do not participate in the function. No doubt the 
nature of this boycott and that of the infliction of 
troubles is becoming milder and milder day by day ; 
but in whatever form it may be, it is there and 
serves as a hindrance in the way of removal of 
untouchability. Can you suggest anything more?” 

This certainly is good work. Removal of un- 
touchability is a question of double education, 
that of * touchables ’ as well as ‘ untouchables’. 
‘Touchables’ have to be taught patiently by 
precept and example that untouchability is a sin 

against God and humanity, and the 'untouchabies‘ 
that they should cease to fear the ‘ touchables ’ 
and shed untouchability among themselves. I 
know that that is very easily said. But I have 
found nothing else. Living in the midst of both, 
I know how hard the work is among both. If 
Hinduism is to live, the work has to be done, 
however difficult and even homeless it may 
appear to be. 

Handmade Paper 

Shri Jadhav further writes: 

“ Secondly, I have been using handmade paper for 
the use of the District Local Board office since Ihe 
advent of the Congress Party in the Board. Use 
of mill paper or foreign paper is discon- 

tinued, and as far as my information jgoes, ours is 
the only Board in Maharashtra which iias been using 
handmade paper for its office use to the complete 
exclusion of other paper. I had sent a circular 
letter to the Presidents of the other Boards in 
Maharashtra, requesting them to follow this practice 
of our Board, and I am glad a few cf them nave 
agreed to do so. But I think it will be better 
if you yourself request the Presidents of the Con- 
gress Boards in India to use handmade paper for 
their office purposes. This can well be done through 
the columns of Harijan^ and I am sure it will go 
a long way in bringing into reality your dream of 
revival of village industries as far as writing paper 
is concerned.” 

I gladly support this plea. Indeed I have often 
enough said the same thing in these columns. 
Shri Jadhav’s example should be copied by all 
Local Boards not merely in the matter of hand- 
made paper but all village products. With a 
little care, the Boards should be able to manage 
these things within their budget. I should also 
suggest that the Boards have these things manu- 
factured in the villages under their jurisdiction 
as far as possible. The purpose of the village 
movement will be defeated, if this central fact 
is not borne in mind. Decentralisation is the 
beauty of the movement as also the key to 
its success. 

Red Cross Fund 

’ The same letter mentions the following: 

“Then, with respect to the Red Cross Fund. 
Efforts are afoot in this district to collect money for 
this fund on a very large scale by means of sale of 
lottery' tickets. These tickets are sold to the villagers 
against their wishes and in spite of their inability 
to do so. This is being done through undue inflaence 
yrithout leaving any proof of the same behind. At 


HAEIJAN [ June 8, 1940 

some places the Patil Kulkarnis do not accept land 
revenue if the agriculturist does not buy these tickets. 
I have received a number of complaints in writing 
to this effect during my recent tour in the district. 
I am communicating these complaints to the proper 
Government authorities.*’ 

This subject too I have already dealt with. I 
have explained that in such matters there should 
be no compulsion. Overzealous ofl&cials may 
resort to unfair means bordering on compulsion. 
There is no statutory obligation to subscribe to 
such funds. Those who do not wish to, will 
certainly not subscribe. These irregular collec- 
tions are often vexing and should be stopped 
by the authorities wherever discovered. 

Comilla Municipality and Harijans 

Shri Thakkar Bapa sends the following inter- 
esting account of what the Comilla Municipality 
has done and propose doing for Harijans; 

“ 1. 15 days’ leave with full pay in a year, and 

maternity leave to female sweepers. 

2. A free primary school in their quarters. 

3. Corrugated-iron roof huts for (a) Naga sweepers 
at a cost of Rs. 1,500, and (b) for other sweepers 
at a cost of Rs. 3,000. Some Nagas in East Bengal 
and Surma valley have taken to scavenging work. 

4. The sweepers have been relieved almost wholly 
from their indebtedness, which totalled about 3,000 
and on which they were paying an interest of three 
.annas per rupee per month or 225 per cent ! 

The Commissioners intend to adopt the following 
further measures for them; 

1. To start a Co-operative Stores, proposal for 
which has been sent to the Registrar of Co-operative 
Societies for registration. 

1. Sweepers have to be weaned from their drink- 
ing habit, which it is known is a difficult task. 

3. The insanitary drain behind the sweepers’ 
quarters requires to be made into a pucca drain. 

4. Providing kitchens for sweepers’ quarters, as at 
present they have to cook and sleep in the same room.” 

This reminds one of what the Ahmedabad 
Municipality has done in the matter. The latter 
is possibly more thorough. But that does not 
in any way detract from the merit of what 
the Comilla Municipality has done. It deserves 
warm congratulations. Let us hope that the 
prospective reforms too will be carried out in 

good time. 

Sevagram, 4-6-40 M. K. G. 

Handmade Paper 

Our purchases and sales of handmade paper, fron 
l"l-’40 to 31"5"40 have been as follows ; 

Month Purchases Sales 

January 2599-10-0 1731-10-3 

February 1933—2-6 1575-14-3 

March 1429-11-6 728—6-3 

April 1242-10-6 773-.0-^0 

May 1642-14-0 1265—3-0 

8848—0-6 6074-1-9 

Rs. 970 have been given for paper-cutting and 
envelope-making. A Sample File containing all the 
samples of paper, envelopes, etc. available with us 
can be had from us for Re. 1 post free. 

Manager, Harijan 


All for Principle 

In one of his plays, Man of Destiny, Bernard 
Shaw has characterised the English as a ‘race 
apart’. There is nothing so good or so bad, he 
remarks, that you won’t find an Englishman do- 
ing it. He does what pleases him and grabs 
what he covets, but he does all this on ‘principle’. 
He is never at a loss for an effective moral 
attitude. “He fights you on patriotic principles, 
he robs you on business principles, he enslaves 
you on imperial principles, he bullies you on 
manly principles, and cuts off his King’s head on 
republican principles. His watch-dog is always 
Duty, and he never forgets that the nation which 
lets its duty get on the opposite side to its 
interest is lost.” 

One was strongly reminded of these remarks 
of Shaw on a perusal of the proceedings of the 
recent India debate in the Parliament, the full 
text of which has since appeared in the press. 
It was contended in the course of that debate 
by one honourable member after another from 
the floor of the House that India could not be 
allowed to exercise her fright of unfettered self- 
determination as that would “ put upon us the 
charge that we have been traitors to our 
responsibility for the protection of the mino- 
rities in India who rely upon us. ” How could 
Britain, it was sanctimoniously argued, abandon 
her obligations, as trustee of the welfare of the 
Indian people which were “embedded in the very 
texture and tapestry of history”? There was, 
of course, the reference to the Princes, like the 
inevitable King Charles’ head, and to “the stake 
we have in the country” and “which is the 
outcome of historical forces”. 

Bug-bear of the States 

“ How can you ignore Indian States, ” exclaim- 
ed Sir Stanley Reed, " which comprise one-third 
of India and one-quarter the population ?” Sir 
Stanley Reed, as a veteran journalist with a long 
career in India, surely, must know that out of 
562 States that constitute Princely India only 
about thirty have any treaty relations with the 
Paramount Power, that even these treaty States 
are bound to the Paramount Power in “subordi- 
nate co-operation ” either by express provisions 
in the treaties themselves or have been reduced 
to that status as a result of half a century of un- 
broken political practice. As vassals of the Crown 
they are not free agents; they cannot treat with 
anybody except at the sufferance of the Crown, 
and are bound loyally to carry out the policies 
of the Paramount Power. It is therefore a travesty 
of the reality to speak of Princely India as 
“ comprising one-third of India and one-quarter 
the population ”, or to trot out treaty obligation 
towards the Princes as a reason for refusing 
India her right of self-determination. 

Concern for the Under-dog 

A true measure of the genuineness of these 
contentions would, perhaps, be provided by com- 
paring the present attitude of the British Parlia- 

JUKE 8, 1940 ] 



ment with the way in which it dealt with the 
problem of the ‘‘ under dog ” on an occasion 
when necessity pointed the other way. 

The South African constitution of 1909 was 
framed in South Africa by the South African 
National Convention, A thorny question at issue 
was that of the native franchise. The Convention 
decided that in South Africa only persons of 
European descent could sit as members in 
either House of Parliament. 

This meant that the natives, who constituted 
the majority of the population, would be excluded 
from sitting in the South African Parliament. 
As Lord Crewe, the Colonial Secretary, himself 
admitted in Parliament, there were among the 
natives men who were of high standing, of 
high character and of high ability.” They regarded 
the exclusion as a slight, and they “ pressed with 
deep feeling and much eloquence their case 
before the British Government at Westminster,” 
But the British Government felt powerless to 
interfere with the decision of the South African 
National Convention. Explained Lord Crewe, the 
Colonial Secretary, from his place in the House 
of Lords on July 27th, 1909; 

“The fact which has decided us in not attempt- 
ing to press this matter against the wishes of the 
South African delegates has been that this is 
undoubtedly one of those matters which represent a 
delicately balanced compromise between themselves. 
As a Government, we cannot take — and personally 
I am not prepared to take — the responsibility for 
the possible wrecking of this Union measure altogether 
or provision of this kind. I am assured that such 
would be the result of any attempt to insert such 
a provision in the Bill. The cause of those who 
desire this change to be made has been pressed with 
deep feeling and much eloquence by some of the 
natives themselves, and by those who specially repre- 
sent their cause. But I do feel that, if this change is 
to be made, it must be made in South Africa by 
South Africans themselves, and that, it is not possi- 
ble for us, whatever we may consider to be the 
special merits of the case, to attempt to force it up- 
on the great representative body which with absolute 
unanimity demands that it should not appear.” 

So the South African Convention had its way 
and the draft of the South African constitution 
of 1909 which, as a Constituent Assembly, it had 
drafted was, as has already been pointed out, 
endorsed by the British Parliament without the 
change even of a misplaced comma. 

Other Times Other Manners 

“However far,” it was further contended in 
the debate, “ we may go in giving responsibi- 
lities to a body in India for the framing of 
their constitution, Parliament cannot entirely 
devolve its responsibilities, it cannot slough off 
its share in the work, because it will have to 
implement by an Act whatever recommendations 
may be agreed upon,*’ This doctrine of inalien- 
able constitutional responsibility of the Parliament, 
one may point out, with due deference to the 
honourable member who advanced it, is histori- 
cally an untruth; in practice it was always put 
aside whenever a settlement was genuinely desired 
by Britain, as in the case of Ireland and the 

Dominions. The fact that it is now being dangled 
before us only shows that the sanction on which 
Britain relies is her might rather than the logic 
or historical validity of her contention. 

To take up a few concrete instances; in the 
case of Canada the Parliament did nothing more 
than embody in a legislative form, in 1867, the 
seventytwo Quebec Resolutions of 1864 which 
represented the ultimate agreement between the 
Canadians themselves in regard to their own 
constitution. The Commonwealth of Australia 
Bill, again, as Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, the Colo- 
nial Secretary, admitted in his speech on the 
introduction of the Constitution Bill in the House 
of Commons on the 14th May 1900, was pre- 
pared without any reference to the British 
Parliament or the British people. The Imperial 
Parliament only registered the decree of the 
Australian people. 

“ As a matter of fact, ” stated Mr. Bonar Law 
on 27th November, 1922, in his speech in the Com- 
mons defending the drafting of the Constitution 
Bill by the people of Ireland, “ the constitutions of 
Canada, Australia and South Africa were all drafted 
in those Dominions. ** Sir John Simon in his speech 
on the same day on the same Bill was even more 
emphatic. “ The principle, ” he observed, “ that 
Constitutions in our Empire have usually been found 
to have a permanent basis in the cases where they 
have been arrived at and settled on the soil affected 
by them, is by no means limited to the different 
Federal Unions under the British Crown. I believe 
it would be true to say that Constitutions which 
promote prosperity and loyalty, and which have been 
found to be lasting Constitutions for subordinate 
.States in our Empire, have almost without exception 
either actually or virtually been framed by those 
who were to live under them themselves. ” 

“ Special Obligations ” 

The example of Ireland is still more striking^ 
During the Debate on the Statute of Westmin- 
ster, it was held by a section of the Tories, 
headed by Mr. Churchill, that there was a 

special obligation”, viz. in regard to the Irish 
Treaty of 1921 which did not find its reserva- 
tion within the corners of the Statute as propos- 
ed. “ I am advised on high technical authority,” 
observed the honourable member for Eping that 
“this Bill confers upon the Irish Free State 
full legal power to abolish the Irish Treaty at 
any time when the Irish Legislature may think 
fit.” He therefore suggested that an amendment 
should be incorporated into the Statute to pre- 
vent that. But on receiving a note from Mr. 
Cosgrave to the effect that ” any attempt to 
erect a statute of the British Parliament into a 
safeguard of the Treaty would have quite the 
opposite effect here and would rather tend to 
give rise in the minds of our people to a doubt 
as to the sanctity of this instrument. ” Col. 
Grettan s amendment was dropped by 360 votes 
to 50 despite the support of Mr. Churchill and 
Lord H. Cecil, and the ” special obligations of 
the British Parliament ” were left to take care 
of themselves. 

Sevagram, 2-6-40 Pyarelal 



1 Juie 8 



( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

Thus writes a Khan Bahadur from Delhi : 

“This is a letter for the Question Box in Harijan. 

In your article in Harijan of April 6, you observe 
as follows: 

‘ I should be failing in my duty if I did not 
warn the Mussalmans against the untruth that is being 
propagated amongst them. This warning is a duty 
because I have faithfully served them in their hour 
of need and because Hindu-Muslim unity has been 
and is my life’s mission.’ 

I will request you to consider the Hindu-Muslim 
problem fromi our point of view. The stumbling 
block to any negotiations for a settlement of the 
communal question has been the refusal of the 
Congress to recognise the All India Muslim League 
as the authoritative and sole representative body of 
the Indian Mussalmans. The Congress claims that it 
speaks for whole India and that it has on its rolls a 
considerable number of Mussalmans. The very fact 
that the Congress has made several attempts to 
come to terms with Mr. Jinnah shows that it 
is not fully confident of its representative character, 
as far as the Mussalmans are concerned. But do 
you not honestly feel that the Congress Mussalmans 
are the real stumbling block in the way of Hindu- 
Muslim unity, and that it is for their sake that 
the Congress is not making a serious effort to 
solve the problem ? Believe me, they are a lazy lot 
who are enjoying their present position because they 
are in the Congress. 

You know what the Muslim masses did to ■ your 
President in Calcutta where for years he had been 
leading Id prayer. You also know that they have 
no courage to address a Muslim meeting to convert 
the Mussalmans to their point of view. You blame 
the British for creating Princes, Moderates and 
Khan Bahadurs like me. You blame the British 
for trying to create another Ulster in India. 
Has not the Congress created equivalent Mode- 
rates and Khan Bahadurs in Azads, Asaf Alis 
^nd Kidwais. Is not the action of the Congress 
tantamount to creation of a Muslim Ulster? 

, You _ may cite the case of Mr.* Asaf Ali succeeding 
in the municipal elections of Delhi. I may inform 
you that but for a division in the Provincial League 
and bad handling of the situation Mr. Asaf Ali 
would have never won the election. I may inform 
you that even as it is, when Delhi Congress wanted 
to contest the municipal elections as a party, Mr. 
Asaf Ali, who is now a member of the Congress 
Working Committee, had declined to take a Congress 
ticket. Therefore,. Mr. Asaf Ali's election was not a 
test case; and if you pardon my saying so, even 
now let Mr. Asaf Ali re-seek election on a Congress 
ticket, and I am confident that any League candi- 

[ June 8, 1940 

date would defeat him. You will thus realise that 
your being baffled by the Lahore resolution of the 
League is not justified when Mussalmans have ceased 
to t"ust in your life’s mission regarding Hindu- 
Muslim unity. On the other hand they are convin- 
ced that the sole aim of the Congress, for the last 
ten years at least, has been to divide and rule the 
Mussalmans. I will beg of you to reconsider your 
attitude towards the League. Please don’t trust the 
Congressite Mussalmans, for they are not only the 
‘ Mir Jafars ° amongst us, but the enemies of Hindu- 
Muslim accord and India’s freedom.” 

Just now I am inundated with letters of 
protest from Muslim friends. Most writers do 
not argue. They give themselves satisfaction by 
abusing. Pyarelal, who opens and deals with 
the daily post, gives me only those letters 
which he thinks I should see. Of these I take 
notice of those £ think I must. In some cases 
I answer them privately. Therefore corres- 
pondents who never receive acknowledgment 
either through Harijan or the post should 
know the reason. 

There are some Muslim letters of sympathy 
too. One of them says that in his house he has 
to listen to wildest criticism of me. No adjec- 
tive is too bad to use. Much criticism he knows 
to be false. What is he to do, he asks. Is he 
to leave the house, or is he to engage in 
endless disputation and convert his house into 
a bear garden? I have advised my correspon- 
dent neither to leave the house nor to engage 
in a discussion. If he can, he may put in a 
mild word when he knows that a manifest 
falsehood is being uttered and believed. 

The correspondence in my possession and the 
Urdu press cuttings and even some English cut- 
tings from journals owned by Muslims go to show 
that I am believed to be the arch enemy of 
Islam and Indian Muslims. If I was at one time 
acclaimed as their greatest friend and suffered 
the praise, I must suffer too to be described 
as an enemy. Truth is known only to God. I 
am confident that in nothing that I am doing, 
saying or thinking I am their enemy. They are 
blood brothers and will remain so, though they 
may disown me ever so much. 

Now for the Khan Bahadur’s letter. 

I have never understood the reason behind 
the demand for the recognition by the Congress 
of the All India Muslim League as the sole and 
authoritative Muslim body. W^hy should such an 
admission be demanded or expected ? How is it 
compatible with a genuine desire for a settlement? 

The Congress attempts to represent all. But 
it has never demanded recognition as such from 
anybody. The all India status has to be deserved. 
But whether it be deserved or not, admis- 
sion thereof is a superfluity. The Congress has 
never claimed that it represents the whole of 
Indian Muslims. It has not claimed to represent 
any single community wholly. But it does rlaim 
to represent every single national interest irres- 
pectiy? of class, caste, colour or creed. Even 

June 8, 1940 ] 



"that claim need not be admitted by those who 
deal with it. It should be sufficient consolation 
to each party that it is considered by the other 
important enough to seek friendship with. 

The Congress has always frankly admitted that 
it has not on its register as many Muslims as 
it would like. But it has been proud to have 
had the support of many eminent Muslims. 
Hakim Saheb Ajmal Khan was the tallest among 
them. Qaid-e-Azam himself was a great Con- 
gressman. It was only after non-cooperation 
that he, like many other Congressmen belonging 
to several communities, left it. Their defection 
was purely political. They disliked direct action. 

It is wrong to swear at the nationalist 
Muslims simply because they are attached to 
the Congress. If they become members of the 
League, they will become worthy Muslims ! ! ! 
My correspondent simply does not know how 
much Congress Muslims are trying to bring about 
unity. When unity is re-established, as it must 
be, I have no doubt that nationalist Muslims will 
get their due both from Hindus and Muslims. 

It is torture of truth to suggest that they are 
-so many Mir Jafars. They ate betraying neither 
Islam nor India. They are as true Muslims accor- 
ding to their lights as members of the League 
■claim to be. It is equal torture of truth to 
suggest that the Congress is following the British 
method of divide and rule. The Congress is a 
political party with one single aim. It would be 
a bad day for India if the Congress could be 
proved to have mean motives. Is it mean to woo 
Muslim opinion by the fairest means imaginable? 
•Rightly or wrongly the Congress does not believe 
in watertight compartments on a communal basis. 
If religion is allowed to be as it is, a personal 
• concern and a matter between God and man, 
there are many dominating common factors bet- 
ween the two which will compel common life 
.and common action. Religions are not for separat- 
ing men from one another, they are meant to 
bind them. It is a misfortune that today they 
•are so distorted that they have become a potent 
•cause of strife and mutual slaughter. 

It will perhaps now be clear why I can have 
no concern with Asaf Ali Saheb’s case. I would 
grant that he would be beaten in a contest 
between him and a Leaguer. Let it be further 
granted that such will be the case in the 
majority of such contests. It will in no way 
weaken my position. It will prove the superior 
organising ability of the League and its popula- 
rity among the Muslims. I have not doubted 
■either. My case is incredibly simple. I must 
not be called upon to make any admissions about 
the status of the League before thinking of 
unity through the League. I must not be disloyal 
to the Muslim nationalists however insignificant 
they may be considered to be. I ask the Khan 
Bahadur, the writer of the letter under discussion, 
to exert his influence to bring the two com- 
munities together. 

Sevagram, 4-6-40 


( By M. K. Gandhi ) 

Nowadays one reads about panic in the Press 
and hears more than one reads. One friend 
writes, “ You sitting in lonely Sevagram can have 
no notion of the talks and whispers going on 
in the busy cities. Panic has seized them.” 

Panic is the most demoralising state anyone 
can be in. There never is any cause for panic. 
One must keep heart whatever happens. War 
is an unmitigated evil. But it certainly docs one 
good thing, it drives away fear and brings 
bravery to the surface. Several million lives 
must have been already lost between the Allies 
and the Germans. They have been wasting 
blood like water. Old men, women both old 
and young, and children in Britain and France 
are living in the midst of imminent death. But 
there is no panic there. If they were seized by 
panic, it would be an enemy more dreadful than 
German bullets, bombs and poison gas. Let us 
learn from these suffering nations of the West 
and banish panic from our midst. And in India 
there is no cause whatsoever for panic. Britain 
will die hard and heroically even if she has to. 
We may hear of reverses, but we will not 
hear of demoralisation. Whatever happens will 
happen in an orderly manner. 

Therefore I would say to those who lend a 
listening ear to me : “Go on with your work or 
business in the usual way. Do not withdraw 
your deposits or make haste to turn your paper 
into cash. If you are cautious, you will run no 
new risks. Your metal buried underground or 
in your treasure chests need not be considered 
safer than in banks or in paper if anarchy over- 
takes us. There is risk just now in everything. 
It is best to be as you are in such a condition. 
Your steadiness, if it is multiplied, will steady 
the market. It will be the best preventive 
against anarchy. There is undoubtedly fear of 
goondaism in such times. You must be prepared 
to cope with it yourself. Goondas flourish only 
in the midst of timid people. They will have 
no quarter from people who can defend them- 
selves violently or non-violently. Non-violent 
defence presupposes recklessness about one’s life 
and property. If it is persisted in, it will in 
the end be a sure cure for goondaism. §ut non- 
violence cannot be learnt in a day. It requites 
practice. You can commence to learn it from 
now. You must be ready to lose your life or pro- 
perty or both. But that is implied in the art of 
non-violence. If you do not know how to defend 
yourself either way, the Government will not be 
able to save you in spite of its best effort. No 
Government, however powerful it may be, can 
without the active co-operation of the people. 
If even God only helps those who will help 
themselves, how much more true it must be of 
perishable Governments! Do not lose nerve and 
think that tomorrow there will be no Govern- 
ment and it will be all anarchy. You can be 
the Government now, and you ^rtainly will be 



I June 8, 1940 

in the contingency you contemplate or you 
v/ill perish.” 

Sevagram, 4-6-40 


Deenabandhu Andrews lived such a full life 
that two of his books were still in the press 
when he died. The book under review was 
published a few days after his death, and the 
other one which is with an English publisher 
is not yet out. Sa7idhya Meditations has value 
^i^ot only as a little spiritual legacy left for his 
Christian and non-Christian friends, but as an 
experession of the love that he bore to India 
and India gave him. For the publisher of these 
lovely meditations “chiefly of interest to Chris- 
tians” (as C. F. A. himself said) is a devout 
Hindu, who took up the task at his behest 
because he was a valued friend and a great 
servant of India. Shri Natesan is to be congra- 
tulated on placing at the feet of Mother India 
this posthumous garland of pretty flowers woven 
by C F. A. 

They are not sermons planned and prepared 
for big audiences, they are just brief commun- 
ings with the little brotherhood of the Christu- 
kula Ashram at Tirupattur where he lived a 
short while before his death. And though they 
were “chiefly of interest to Christians”, they 
are in many ways of universal interest, inas- 
much as they represent the quintessence of his 
religious experiences, and they show in his 
luminously simple and charming style the essence 
of a truly religious life. We see face to face in 
these 150 odd pages the beautifully simple life as 
he lived it, the profound love that he bore to 
Christ and therefore to “ the poorest, the lowliest 
and the lost”, the men he admired and adored, 
and the Christian life that he ever held before 
himself as a model to be lived. From the point of 
view of style, they arc gems of literary beauty and 
models of the chaste and limpid Anglo-Saxon 
of which he was master. There is above all a 
spirit of joy and beauty about everything that 
he has written and which is an expression of 
the joy and beauty that he had captured in his 
heart from Christ, 

He adored beauty wherever he saw it. 

“ Since coming to live here, in South India,” he 
says. "I have been more and more struck with the 
tenderness of the landscape and the peace that 
broods over it. What a lovely country it is 1 
There are the hills in the distance, with their 
gentle rise and fall. The sunrise and the sunset, 
through the monsoon days, bring with them an 
indescribable glory. Whenever the rain descends 
nature at once responds, and the earth becomes 
green with such a richness of colour that the eye 
drinks it in with pleasure.” 

But he adored Beauty which was an expression 
of Truth and Goodness. Satyam, Shivanij Sundaram 
he used to repeat very often. 

^ Sandhya Meditations by C. F- Andrews ( G. A, 
Hatesen and Co., Madras.) Price Re. 1. Postage 

2 As. Available at Harijan Office — Poona 4. - 

“Joy always comes at the sight of beauty. When 
I see in the early morning a marvellously beautiful 
shy with the clouds and mists of dawn all filled 
with light, it gives me joy because of its beuut\\ 
Here in this Ashram all round us there is beauty. 
This House of Prayer itself is very beautiful. All 
buildings and the hospital look very beautiful amid 
the trees with the hills in the background. Hut 
this loveliness of Nature, which is all round us, is 
only a dim picture of the heavenly Beauty, The 
wonder of Christ’s love is this, that everythinsi 
that He did had a radiance about it, which still 
brings joy to us even when we think about it. 
What he did was done in a beautiful way. ICven 
today it gives us joy.” 

And that is why some of the choice spirits 
who lived lives of beautiful dedication are pictur- 
ed to us in these pages — St. Christopher, Bishop 
Westcott, Sadhu Sundarsingh, Principal Rudra. 
These are more or less known to us. I shall 
give here C. F. A.’s story of John Smith of 
Demerara. He had been sent out by the London 
Missionary Society to British Guiana where the 
whites from Western Europe were minting money 
out of the blood and sweat of slaves on sugar 

“From the moment John Smith landed,” says 

C, F. A.. “ the slave-owners began to persecute him 
and he was forbidden to preach to the slavc-s. 
Pie replied: *I must obey God jather than man.* 
And he soon became known all over PJritish Guiana 
on account of his love for the slaves. At last 
about the year 1830 there was a rising among the 
slaves against the masters and this was put down 

with a terrible amount of brutal force. The sia\e- 

owners were frightened, and in their panic they 
brought a charge against this missionary, saying 
that he had encouraged the slaves to revolt. He 
was thrown into dungeon, lull of malaria, and 
treated cruelly by ^Ihe jailors, until at last, after 

more than a year’s imprisonment and before hjs 
trial was finished, he died in the prison a martyr s 
death for the great cause.” 

Interwoven with these are stories of the in- 
dentured Indians in Natal, Trinidad, British 
Guiana, and Fiji where C. F. A. went in order 
to help to abolish that system of semi-slavery. 
There is an evening’s talk devoted to the 
returned emigrants at Matiaburz whom he went 
to visit “ more times than I can remember and 
their misery has been heart-breaking.” He made 
repeated appeals to Government to take charge 
of these miserable Indian emigrants and asked 
his little audience to “ bear these poor Indian 
emigrants on your hearts as they are being borne 
on mine; for the burden has become too heavy 
for me to bear alone.” And even when on the 
eve of his fatal operation he disposed of his 
meagre belongings, he asked the Metropolitan tc 
divide the little money in his bag between the 
nurses and the people at Matiaburz. 

Though these are not full-fledged sermons there 
are brief but illuminating comments on verses 
from the New Testament. I shall give but one 
instance — the commentary on John 1*17: 
“The law was given by Moses, but Grace and 
Truth came by Jesus Christ.” 

“There is,” he says, “something wonderfully 
majestic in the impersonal uniformity of Law where 


JUNE 8, 1940 ] HARIJAN 

HO individual exception is ailcvved to come in which 
might interfere with the stern decrees of justice. 
The planets in their courses fulfil their own laws 
of uniform activity, and the inanimate world of 
Nature seems also to be bound by uniform laws of 
its own. But where sentient life comes in, the 
greatest fact of all is not uniformity, but freedom. 
The life which is merely mechanical loses its beauty. 
To force each individual into a frame- work of 
impersonal law, brings with it, in the end, death 
instead of life.’* 

Though he believed that “ in Jesus Christ the 
Light of God became fully visible and focussed 
in a single character which was able to reveal 
not a partial image of the invisible God, but 
the one true image which we, as human beings, 

‘ could recognise and accept, he had no doubt 
in his mind that Christ himself taught that 
“ Wherever the good act is done from a good 
motive, there is the fulfilling of God’s will, and 
that act IS accepted by our Heavenly Father, ” 
and “ that whatever good deed is done as an 
act of love is done unto Himself.” And the 
way to preach the Gospel was summed up by 
him in these words: “Far, far more than what 
v;e say and far more even than what we do, 

’ is what we are. Only the heart can instinc- 
tively devise, in a moment, the beautiful deed 
with grace and say instinctively the beautiful 
word with grace. That is why Jesus was able to 
give us that most perfect of all His sayings: 
' ' Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see 
God.’ He could give us that word because His 
own heart was pure.” 

I can quote thus indefinitely from his beauti- 
ful talks on the true Christian (suggested to 
him by the hymn of the true Vaishnava which 
I translated for him), or on the colour bar, or 
on the sin of racial pride on which he has 
■some scorching words to say. What, however, 
has appealed to me most and what will live 
with me always are his two little talks on prayer. 
V/e have, he says explaining a text from St. 

Matthew, to enter into our inner chamber, shut 
the door of our hearts from all wandering 

thoughts, to keep out the world and all its 
•storms, and to be pure in our inmost hearts, 
for “He is our Father who seeth that which 
-is secret.” But why, it is asked, should one 
pray, why should we not leave everything in 
His hands? He has an answer which cannot 
be bettered: 

“The answer is really very simple. Indeed the 
simpler we make it the better. For if we depend 

on logic in such a matter as this, we are certain 

to become confused and lose our way... Let me give 
my answer in the form of another question. If any 
one is the father of an extremely dear child, whose 
love was all in all to him, would he be happy if 
the child never brought to him any question to be 
answered, and never made to him any requests, 
however foolish sometimes they might be ? Is it 
good, either for the child or for the father, to have 
only distant relations with each other ? Surely not. 
The essence of relationship of the father to the 
child is one of complete dependence on the part of 
the child. That dependence is really and trully, if 
I may say so, a form of perpetual prayer..,. Don’t 

let us become too bound by logic in thinking quj 
this subject. Let us rather enter that Kingdom ^ of 
Heaven which prayer denotes, with a childlike mind 
remembering the words of our Lord when he said : 
Except ye humble yourselves, as little children,^ ye 
shall in no wise enter the kingdom of Heaven. 

Sevagram, 28-5-40 D. 


(By M. K. Gandhi^ 

If You Have Courage 

Q. My mother died last month. I have for a. 
long time been following the practice of eating 
food cooked by Harijans. The orthodox did not 
like it, but they tolerated my practice. Three 
years ago I accepted an invitation for a funeral 
dinner given by a Muslim friend on the occasion 
of his mother’s demise. Now my mother is dead. 
My community have now boycotted all functions 
in connection with my mother’s demise. What 
am I to do ? 

A. If you have courage, you will let the 
castemen do their worst, but you will befriend 
yout Muslim friend at all costs and dine with 
him as often as is necessary. Such boycotts 
should not be feared at all. 

Benevolent Dictatorship 

Q. When the rich become callous and selfish 
and the evil continues unchecked, a revolution 
of the masses with all the attendant horrors 
inevitably results. Since life, as you have put 
ir, is often a choice between evils, won’t you, 
in view of the lesson which the history of 
revolutions inculcates, welcome the rise of a 
benevolent dictatorship which would with the 
minimum use of force “ soak the rich”, give 
justice to the poor, and thereby serve both ? 

A. I cannot accept benevolent or any other 
dictatorship. Neither will the rich vanish nor 
will the poor be protected. Some rich men will 
certainly be killed out and some poor men will 
be spoon-fed. As a class the rich will remain, 
and the poor also, in spite of dictatorship 
labelled benevolent. The real remedy is non- 
violent democracy, otherwise spelt true education 
of all. The rich should be taught the doctrine 
of stewardship and the poor that of self-help, 
A Social Nuisance 

Q. The beggar problem has become a social 
nuisance everywhere, especially in the cities, 
India can ill bear the burden of this array of 
drones. They use self-t6rture, sometimes even 
threats and menaces, to work upon the sympathy 
and fear of our simple folk and extract alms 
from them. Some of them have in this way 
accumulated a secret hoard and lead a life of 
vice and immorality. What solution would you 
suggest for this problem ? 

A. Begging is an age-old institution in India. 
It was not always a nuisance. It was not always 
a profession. Now it has become a profession 
to which cheats have taken. No person who is 
capable of working for his bread should be 
allowed to beg. The way to deal with the prob- 
lem v/ill be to penalise those who give alms tear 



[ June 8 , 1940 

professional be^'^ars. Of course begging itself by 
the able-bodiea should be penalised. But this 
reform is possible only when municipalities conduct 
factories where they will feed people against 
work. The Salvation Army people are or were 
experts in this class of work. They had opened 
a match factory in London in which any person 
who came found work and food. What I 
have* however, suggested is an immediate palli- 
ative. The real remedy lies in discovering the 
root cause and dealing with it. This means 
equalising the economic condition of the people. 
The present extremes have to be dealt with as 
a serious social disease. In a healthy society 
concentration of riches in a few people and un- 
employment among millions is a great social 
crime or disease which needs to be remedied. 

Economic Independence of Women 

Q. Some people oppose a modification of 
laws relating to the right of married woman to 
own property on the ground that economic in- 
dependence of woman would lead to the spread 
of immorality among women and disruption of 
domestic life. What is your attitude on the 
question ? 

A. I would answer the question by a coun- 

and weavers whose lot the A, I. S, A. is striving; 
to improve. Such persons can neither take the 
pledge nor hold any office in a Congress organisa- 
tion. No person or institution other than the 
A. I. S. A. can issue the required certificates. 

Students’ Difficulty 

Q. We are students in Poona. We are taking 
part in the drive against illiteracy. Nov/ in the* 
parts we are visiting there are drunkards who- 
threaten us if we go to teach people. Those 
among whom we are working are Harijans. They 
get frightened. Some suggest that proceedings 
should be taken against these drunkards. Some 
suggest we should try your method of wooing 
them. Will you advise? 

A. You are doing good work. Literacy drive 
and many such things are by-products of the 
big reform, perhaps the biggest of modern timeSo 
As to the drunkards they must be treated as 
diseased persons entitled to our sympathy and 
service. You should, therefore, reason with them 
when they are sober, and take even the beating, 
if any, with good grace. 1 do not rule out 
court proceedings, but they will be evidence of 
want of enough ahimsa in you. But you cannot 
go against your nature. If you do not evoke 

ter question : Has not independence of man and 
his holding property led to the spread of immo- 
rality among men? If you answer ‘yes’, then 
let it be so also with women. And when women 
have rights of ownership and the rest like men, 
it would be found that the enjoyment of such 
rights is not responsible for their vices or their 
virtues. Morality v/hich depends upon the help- 
lessness of a man or woman has not much to 
recommend it. Morality is rooted in the purity 
of our hearts. 

A Temple Trustee s Poser 

Q, I am a member of the A. L C. C. Per- 
sonally I neither believe in nor observe taboos 
relating to untouchability. But I am trustee of 
a temple built by my ancestors who were 
thoroughly orthodox in their religious outlook, 
I feel that it would be a breach of trust to 
throw it open to Harijans. Would that stand in 
the way of my signing the satyagraha pledge ? 

A. It would stand very much in the way of 
your signing the pledge. It would be no breach 
of trust if the law allows you to open the 
temple. The condition was immoral as we have 
now discovered and hence invalid. 

Uncertified Khadi 

Q, You say that a person buying or using 
mill cloth cannot take the satyagraha pledge. 
Can a person using, buying or dealing in uncertifi- 
ed kbadi take the pledge or hold offices in 
Congress committees ? Is a person or an associa- 
tion other than the A. I. S. A. entitled to 
certify khadi dealers ? 

A. Certainly not. I repeatedly said that a 
person who uses or deals in uncertified khadi 
damages khadi and directly exploits the spinners 

response from them to your wooing, your work 
must not by held up because of the obstruction 
referred to by you. Recourse to legal proceed- 
ings is then indicated. But you must make all 
honest effort before you go to law. 

Sevagram, 4^6-40 


We regret to announce that we have decided tc 
close our Bombay Branch from the 8lli inst. We 
have seen by experience that in the present state of 
demand for handmade paper it is not possible 
for that single infant industry to bear the burden 
of an independent establivShment or even incidental 
expenses in a big city like Bombay ; though we 

may thankfully mention that the space occupied by 

our Branch was given to us free of rent by a good 

friend. As, however, we did not intend to run the 

risk of a loss, we have thought it advisable to close 
down the shop. Nevertheless "we will continue our 
efforts at popularising handmade paper in Bombay 
through correspondence and through friends who have 
promised to help in this cause as a labour of love. 
We have also decided to bear the freight by goods 
train on all orders exceeding Rs. 25. All correspondence 
should be addressed to Manafier^ Harijan — Poona 4. 

Occasional Notes ... Pyarelal 154 

Hindu-Muslim ... M. K, Gandhi 156 

Panic ... M. K. Gandhi 157 

“ Sandhya Meditations " ... M. D. 158 

Question Box ... M. K. Gandhi 159 

Notes : 

Peace in Sirohi ... M. K. G. 155 

’■ Untouchability ... M. K. G. 153 

Handmade Paper ... M. K. G. 155 

The Red Cross Fund ... M. K, G. 153 

CoMiLLA Municipality 
and Harijans ... M. K. G. 154 

Printed and Published by Vithal Hari Barve at the Aryabhushan Press, 915/1 Fergussoii College Road, Poona 4.1- 
Subscription Rates — INLAIID: One year, Rs. 4, Six months, Rs. 3-8, Foreign : One year, Rs. 5-8 or, 8 sh. or 2 


P. S. V. 14. 


CmUesj^c Nowsp&peirs^ 

1. Name of Pa]3er 

J-HL-o -v , . 

2. Published at - 

3. Dated 


EOMBAY, June 15 

F or the present there are onlv two paities in India — the Congics'; 

and those who side with the Con^icss and the oarties who do 
not Between the twii thcic is no mc'^'tinq ground without one or the 
other surrendeiing it^ puiposc, and i( tlie Congress Joses hope and lailh 
and comes to the cluicIufjoii that it xiiust sta lender its original posit irr 
for the ijurpose ot gclt'a:* a common measuro of agreement it will cees i 
to be the power it is This view t. oxpiessod bv Mr Crandlii in the 
Hatijan lo-dav wiitniff under the caption “Two Paitici’’ 

SCfB— 72 eS&B^rC 

INlr Cr..'n''llii 
Lblic* anpoals 







“Piivate anrl 
)iic’ appoais arc li' me made to me 
call all paiLios logcrhci and ainvc 
' common agr^^oment, and then, 
say \\ c *- liatl get v\ liat v e 
I '(jiii CxicMt Britain Tlicst 
1 1 lends loigot one ccnfial tact 
Cont’icss whii h idi nt(js<-os to 
Im Inch i and n mis un- 
dt'M iLc’d indc'pcndciii'c, cannot 
ke .1 common measure ol aeroe- 
tit V itli (’v'pe who do not To act 
oiwi'f would bo to betraj' Us 
st Ix the nntui'c of things, Ihcio- 
L*. Ihei' ^*011 he nil ‘all patties 
liTv-neq i.inl'-,rs aU have a eom- 
n purpose 

'The British Clovornmcnt would 
loi a c'ommon agreement, lI 

■■ ier'cigin'''''’cl nui c»ne party 

enough to take dcLivetv The 
cios-^, U mu - 1 he acimiUed, hv.^ 
that slioneth to-day. It has conic 
tn nUi’seiiT puiition m the taec < 

, MUnn. II .1 docs not ncatecn 

has enough patience, it vt ih 
clijp suthoent sliciifith 
veiv It IS an illusion cieated 
Stives tJiaL we niutit cuine xo 
»omc‘nl with all paiUes heioio 
nial-i- any picgro'" 
rheie is onlv om demoeratie 
•loci ptililicMl orgaiu'/^aiion, that is 

•CnU« /r t 

T'baSs"’ So “'S; 

‘Sioam-ahon nhtch Ubo «« 

is. IS popularly clecioa. >• 

iklv eoinmundl and wanx 
tdo India mlo two p.^ii.s, om 

iiii 'iiid ihu uthfi i\'lci''<lem I rt.-x« 

aff'tl liya tlu.Uro l.oaRiu -1 
a.tun'f in d mo Uriti.-h Ciovcrn- 
it shoulfl oum-' to U‘itns 
stems olid dcpona upon 
Th'it ivouicl he hhc 
line the question, bu- 
peluoting Biitish ithe 
:>iii Maiitisabha will xio 





wixU Iho 
way ot 
also ot 

lavoLxred treatment lor Hindus. 
:lin.A Hindu tStates 

Into tor tUe tho'** ConffS " 

iSiLTho SnV 

errra'p't” mcetixg^Sio^n 

one or the otUci suircn- 

STo & sTlU. Theieiora, tho]» 

“ But the atalemate 

i.,:t til cxolxmi- • '-.'^'1 

^ lb*' Co»'!|ru *■ *' • ' • 

* Its nnn-violem-e luibids the 
nif, l.oxn Ftanduig alum and r.rlu ^ 

The hiah<»hoi“c as the ixPpuUcnLs ssy 
on {hJr^Tontraxy. U has woo ah 

parbe.-,, disaini su-pwion and 
iiust m its bona tides Chis n lai 
un^yUo when b has el.^mied its ovin 
'.lal/'ics ItiL c c-s may take timc. 
ThXl time mu-t bo given It will bo 
no r,'.Uu. But xl tho Con^c^a 
hope and taith and comes to the con 
ehiFioij thax U must surrondoi its oii 
ginal position for the P^xpose ot 
•netting a conimon mcasuio of a*.,icL- 
menb It svill cease to be the powoi it 
ja T'o-d.iv it IS the sheet-anchor of 
India’s hope and faith It 
woll wiUi It, It It 

xuvav liom its moormgs. whothei it if. 
in ,a minority or a majority — A.i' i 


VoL. Vin, No. 19 ] POONA — SATURDAY, JUNE 22, 1940 [ ONE ANNA 

(jB^; M. K. Gandhi^ 

Mr. Richard Gregg, one of whose letters I 
reproduced some time ago, has sent another 
which I share with the reader : 

“Last week I was sorry to see the report in 
our papers of the death of Charlie Andrews. He 
was such a dear, good man, mighty in his sweetness, 
compassion, loyalty, affection and love. Such bound- 
less capacity for affection ! He made the world a 
better pla'ce. We will miss him greatly, but his 
great example lives on. 

All these months since I wrote you last I have 

been wrestling intellectually with the problems of 

discipline for non-violence and of non-violent persua- 
sion and conversion, and how to state them and 

their solution in Western terminology. As I think* 
I wrote you, I am working on a book about those 
two aspects of satyagraha, to supplement my Power 
of Non-violence. I read and ponder, read and 

ponder. In the last few weeks I have come to see 
the pattern of the whole thing with much greater 
clearness. My effort is to try to get the Western 
world to realize the validity and practicalness of 
your entire programme. 

I have been so glad that during these last few 
months you have insisted so strongly that the Con- 
gress must earnestly and loyally take up the khadi 
programme before you will lead them in any open 
struggle of satyagraha against the Government. I 
see clear as crystal the necessity for that. You are 
absolutely right. 

Aside from that aspect of the matter, I foresee 
that after the present war is over, all Europe will 
need your khadi programme and also your plan of 
education without books, through handcraft of various 
kinds. The middle class of England as well as the 
Continent will be gravely impoverished. The same 
will happen in the United States, and may be just as 
severely as in Europe, for did not we have as severe 
a fall economically from 1929 to 1934 as any of 
the European countries ? The experience and techni- 
cal resources which the khadi movement of India 
has amassed will be of immense value in the post- 
war years. 

Despite the war and all its horrors, I am opti- 
mistic as to the future of non-violence. Never before 
in all the history of the world have there been so 
many believers in non-violence, both in absolute 
number and also relatively to the rest of the popula- 
tion. Never before has that belief been found in all 
groups, classes, religions and occupations. Never before 
have so many prominent statesmen stated earnestly, 
clearly and publicly the folly, futility and appalling 

results of war and violence. Never have so many 
military men been so unsure of the validity and 
ultimate effectiveness of their method. 

All during the past two years and rapidly since 
the war began, the organized peace movements of 
Britain and America have grown. They have never 
been so large. Nor is it mere sentiment. Much keen 
and searching thinking is going on about all aspects 
of the problem. 

Up to March 9th, 26,681 men among the mili- 
tary conscripts of Great Britain had been officially 
registered as conscientious objectors to war, as 
compared with about 16,000 for the entire four 
years of the war of 1914-18. Though one can never 
be sure in advance, all the evidence indicates that, 
if the United States were dragged into the war, 
there would be a similar great increase in the num- 
ber of conscientious objectors here. In the five or 
six calls of conscripts in Great Britain between 
last June and March of this year the percentage of 
C.O.’s ranged from 1-6 to 2'2 %. This may be interest- 
ingly compared with the estimate that in all coun- 
tries the really effective or decisive work of govern- 
ment is done by not over 2% of the population. 
Further weight is given to this comparison by the 
high intellectual calibre of the leaders of the paci- 
fist movement in Britain. And while one should not 
boast about one’s own country, the pacifists of this 
country are not stupid, even though they may not 
have world- wide reputations. The relation of these 
facts to the future lies in historical analogy. 

After the war of 1914-18 many of the pacifists 
who had been severely persecuted during the war 
became recognised leaders. This is likely to happen 

After the world war there was a strong pacifist 
movement in all the nations which took part and 
also in many neutral nations. This is likely to happen 
again. At that former time much of the movement 
was mere sentiment, and when it was severely test- 
ed it broke. But since then there has been much 
and intense thinking, so that believers in non- 
violence understand the problems and their difficul- 
ties and possible ways of solution much more clearly 
than formerly. In future they will be much more 
efifective than before. 

After this war the hatreds and fears will probably 
be deeper and stronger and more obstinate than after 
the last world war, but there will be more honesty, 
more willingness to recognise one*s own nation’s past 
mistakes and faults, also more willingness to give up 
old habits and experiment with new methods. The in- 
creased group awareness will make for more awareness 
of danger from endless hostility. It may prove to be 


HARIJAH [ 22, 1940 

a narrow choice between chaos and order, but I incline 
to believe that man’s desire for permanent order 
will be just a little stronger than his fears and 
hatreds. It will be as if all the inmates of an 
insane asylum, after a wild outburst of mutual 
violence, were to decide to call a truce and try to 
work out a co-operative plan for curing themselves. 

If it be true that man’s desire for order and 
significance in bis life are stronger than fear and 
hate, the only programme which can produce order 
and significance to life will have non-violence as its 
backbone. This places a great responsibility upon 
the believers in non-violence. It will require of them 
great thought, discipline, and social invention. I 
consider your khadi programme one of those great social